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J. Edgar Hoover

J. Edgar Hoover


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John Edgar Hoover sündis Washingtonis, DC -s, 1. jaanuaril 1895 Dickerson N -ile. Mõnevõrra autsaider koolis, ta ei olnud sportlik ja tal polnud tüdruksõpru. , siis nimetati klassi valediktoriks. Pärast keskkooli töötas Hoover Kongressi raamatukogus sõnumitoojana. Kolm aastat käis ta George Washingtoni ülikoolis ööõiguse tundides. Pärast kooli lõpetamist 1917. aastal võeti ta advokatuuri. Samal aastal leidis Hoover USA -s tööd. Selles rollis juhendas ta Palmeri reide välismaalaste suhtes, kellel väidetavalt on radikaalsed vaated. Kui osakonnast sai 1935. aastal Föderaalne Juurdlusbüroo, nimetati Hoover selle direktoriks.Hoover palkas parema kvalifikatsiooniga personali ning kehtestas arvukalt menetlusi ja tehnikaid, mis muudaksid FBI tõhusaks kuritegelikuks arreteerimiseks silmatorkavaks. Samuti hakkas büroo koostama ja levitama riiklikku kuritegevuse statistikat ning koolitama riikliku politseiakadeemia töötajaid. 1930ndatel juhtis Hoover juurdlusi, mille tulemusel peeti kinni paljud kurjategijad, sealhulgas pangaröövel John Dillinger. Oma büroo organiseeritud kuritegevuse vastase kampaania edendamiseks osales ta isiklikult mitmete suurte gangsterite tabamises. 1936. aastal määras president Roosevelt FBI -le vastutuse spionaaži ja sabotaaži uurimise eest. 1939. aastaks oli FBI muutunud siseriikliku luure valdkonnas silmapaistvaks. FBI vastulöögi- ja salakaubavastased operatsioonid II maailmasõja ajal lõid Saksa ja Jaapani agentide sekkumise USA sõjategevustesse. Pärast II maailmasõda sai Hoover innukas ja kõrge -profiilne kommunismivastane. Hoover juhtis bürood põhjaliku uurimistega, mille eesmärk oli hävitada õõnestav tegevus mitte ainult valitsuses, vaid ka erasektoris. Hoover oli paljude aastate jooksul vastuoluline. Nad tembeldasid tema antikommunismi kompulsiivseks; on dokumenteeritud, et ta korraldas poliitiliste aktivistide ja teisitimõtlejate, sealhulgas Martin Luther King juuniori süstemaatilist ahistamist. Teda süüdistati tuntud avaliku elu tegelaste väljapressimises ja poliitilise tagakiusamise poole pöördumises. Hooveri programm COINTELPRO karistas FBI agente selliste rühmituste ahistamise, takistamise ja likvideerimisega. partei Musta Pantri ja teiste vasakpoolsete organisatsioonidena. Sellise mitteametliku dokumentatsiooni olemasolu ei ole kinnitatud, sest tema kauaaegne sekretär Helen Gandy hävitas pärast Hooveri surma mitmeid toimikuid. Pärast tema surma tehti aga reforme, et selliseid kuritarvitusi tulevikus vältida. Sellegipoolest rääkisid Hooveri peamised panused politsei uurimistöö edendamisse enda eest. 1966. aastal pälvis ta FBI direktori rolli eest tunnustuse.Alates Kennedy administratsioonist hakkas Hooveri mõju murenema. Ta lõi pead presidendi venna, peaprokuröri Robert F. Kennedyga, kelle eesmärk oli Hooveri võimu ja poliitilist osalust kärpida. Ta suri 2. mail 1972 77 -aastaselt keset vaidlusi, mida tekitasid süüdistused FBI ebaseaduslikus tegevuses. J. Edgar Hoover teenis ligi 50 aastat vähemalt kaheksa presidendi all, alates Calvin Coolidge'ist kuni Richard M. Nixonini. Hooveri ametiaja tõttu piirdusid järgmised FBI direktorid 10 -aastase ametiga. Kirjutised: Peidus olevad isikud (1938), Petmise meistrid (1958), Kommunismi uuring (1962), Kuritegevus Ameerika Ühendriikides (1965) ja J. Edgar Hoover kommunismist (1969).


*Hoover elas koos emaga kuni tema surmani 1938. aastal, mil ta oli 43 -aastane. Ta oli eluaegne poissmees.


J. Edgar Hoover: gei või lihtsalt mees, kes seksib meestega?

Clint Eastwoodi film jätab homoseksuaalsuse küsimuse ebaselgeks.

DiCaprio teemal Saamine ja#x27J. Edgar '

16. november 2011 — - J. Edgar Hoover juhtis sügavalt allasurutud seksuaalelu, elades koos emaga kuni 40. eluaastani, tõrjudes ebamugavalt naiste tähelepanu ning valades oma nägusale asetäitjale üle emotsionaalse ja kohati ka füüsilise tähelepanu. FBI -s, vastavalt uuele filmile "J. Edgar", režissöör Clint Eastwood.

Filmivaatajad ei näe kunagi aastakümneid kestnud romantikat endise FBI režissööri ja tema teise numbri Clyde Tolsoni vahel, kuid seal on palju armastavaid pilke, käest kinni hoidmist ja ühte stseeni agressiivse, pika ja sügava suudlusega.

Nii oli ka Ameerika võimsaim mees, kes suri 1972. aastal - kolm aastat pärast seda, kui Stonewalli rahutused tähistasid tänapäeva geide kodanikuõiguste liikumist - homoseksuaalne?

Eastwood tunnistab, et Leonardo DiCaprio mängitud Hooveri ja Armie Hammeri kehastatud Clyde Tolsoni suhe on mitmetähenduslik.

"Ta oli salapärane mees," ütles ta eelmisel nädalal ABC saates "Good Morning America". "Ta võis olla [gei]. Ma olen selles agnostik. Ma ei tea tegelikult ja keegi ei teadnudki."

Avalikult pidas Hoover homoseksuaalide vastu kättemaksu ja hoidis kongresside ja presidentide seksuaalelu kohta "konfidentsiaalseid ja salajasi" toimikuid. Kuid mõnede biograafide sõnul oli tal eraviisiliselt meestega palju proovijaid, sealhulgas eluaegne suhe Tolsoniga.

Dissotsiatsioon - homoseksuaalsuse eitamine, kuid seksuaalse käitumise demonstreerimine - pole "haruldane", ütleb dr Jack Drescher, New Yorgi psühhiaater, kes on soo ja seksuaalsuse ekspert.

Meestel, kellel on teiste meeste vastu tugev külgetõmme, võib olla erinev aktsepteerimisaste, alates täielikult sulgemisest kuni avalikult homoks. Ja isegi kui nad on homoseksuaalselt eneseteadlikud, saavad nad selle omaks võtta või avalikult tagasi lükata.

"Me ajame seksuaalse sättumuse segamini seksuaalse identiteediga," ütles Drescher. "Mõned mehed ei määratle end avalikult homona, olenemata nende seksuaalsest käitumisest."

Isegi haiguste tõrje ja ennetamise keskused (CDC) jälgivad gruppi, mis pole sildistatud "gay", vaid "mehed, kes seksivad meestega".

Roy Cohn, advokaat, kes oli 1950. aastate kommunismivastases kampaanias senaator Joseph McCarthy peavanem ja kes Julius ja Ethel Rosenbergi edukalt spionaažis süüdi mõistis, eitas, et hoolimata meeste tõmmetest on ta gei.

1986. aastal AIDS -i surnud Cohn oli Hooveri kaasaegne ja ühe eluloo järgi käisid nad 1950. aastatel koos New Yorgis seksipidudel.

Cohni iseloomustas stseen Tony Kuschneri näidendist "Inglid Ameerikas", kes rääkis oma arstiga: ". Olete riputatud sõnade, siltide külge, et arvate, et need tähendavad seda, mida nad näivad tähendavat. AIDS. Homoseksuaalne. Gay . Lesbi. Te arvate, et need on nimed, mis ütlevad teile, kellega keegi magab, kuid nad ei ütle teile seda. Roy Cohn on heteroseksuaalne mees, Henry, kes käib koos poistega. "

Hooveri eneseteadlikkuse aste võis olla sama, mis Cohnil. Hoolimata samasoolistest rumalustest otsis ta aeg-ajalt "proua Hooverit" ja isegi kurameeris-kuigi ebamugavalt-näitlejanna Ginger Rogersi ema ja näitlejanna Dorothy Lamouriga.

Hooveri neurooside juured olid tõenäoliselt lapsepõlves: ta häbenes oma vaimuhaige isa ja sõltus oma moraalselt õiglasest emast Anniest juba keskeas. Kuni oma surmani 1938. aastal ei olnud Hooveril ühiskondlikku elu väljaspool kontorit.

Filmis karistab Annie oma võimsat poega, kui ta mõne oma FBI kriitiku ees närtsis, öeldes talle: "Mulle meeldiks pigem surnud poeg kui poja nartsiss."

2004. aastal koostatud Richard Hacki elulooraamatus "Puppetmaster", mis koostati Truman Capote'i märkmete põhjal, kes oli alustanud intervjuusid Hooveri ja Tolsoni suhete kohta, ütleb autor, et Hoover ei olnud gei, kuid soovitab, et mees oleks asenduslikult sisse lülitatud. rämpsu kogus ta teiste peale.

Üks 200-leheküljeline salajane dokument oli avalikult homoseksuaalse Capote enda koolivälise tegevuse kohta.

Kuid Anthony Summers, kes paljastas Hooveri salajase seksuaalelu oma 1993. aasta raamatus "Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover", ütles, et FBI direktori seksuaalsete kalduvuste osas pole kahtlusi.

"Mida teab Clint Eastwood sellest?" küsis ta ABCNews.com -ilt. Summers tegi koostööd ajaloolastega ja tegi raamatu jaoks 800 intervjuud, sealhulgas õetütred ja need, kes olid tol ajal piisavalt noored, et meest isiklikult tunda.

"Meil oli võimalik saada lähedane nägemus mehest kui indiviidist ja inimesest - nii lähedastest inimestest, kes polnud teda pärast surma kartnud," ütles Summers.

Huvi Eastwoodi filmi vastu annavad USA ja Suurbritannia kirjastajad välja raamatu uusversiooni.

Üks meditsiiniekspert ütles Summersile, et Hoover oli "tugevalt domineeriv homoseksuaalne orientatsioon" ja teine ​​liigitas ta "ebaõnnestunud heteroseksuaalsusega biseksuaalseks".

Hoover surus sageli oma tungid maha, kuid puhkes möödalaskmistest, mis võisid ta hävitada - väidetavad orgiad New Yorgi hotellides ja asjaajamised teismeliste poistega limusiinis, selgub Summersi intervjuudest.

"Ta oli kurvalt represseeritud indiviid, kuid enamik inimesi, isegi J. Edgar Hoover, lasi aeg -ajalt lahti," ütles ta.


Maja ajaloo mees

Ma lugesin, et J. Edgar Hoover oli tegelikult mulatt valgete jaoks. Foto, mis teil temast siin on, kipub seda väidet toetama. Tegelikult paneb see imestama, kuidas ta suutis mööduda. välja arvatud juhul, kui inimesed (s.t ajakirjandus), nagu tema gei olemine, ei soovi neid fakte lihtsalt vaikida.

Pilt, mis teil on "elutoast", on tegelikult tema valmis kelder.

Teie pilt "elutoast" on tegelikult tema valmis maa -alune ruum.

dang. dang. jumal! peate tõsiselt vaatama seda limosiiniettevõtet, autojuhtide poliitikat ja tava. tunduvad nagu
ohvrid ei saanud ust seestpoolt avada. juhil võis olla laste turvalisus ehk purjus reisijad
lukk. mmmm, seega pääsesid välja ainult kõhnad inimesed. kuivatage need pisarad. aeg kohtusse kaevata. juht ei raputanud rumalalt mängides.

Maurine Lucille Hill, kolonelleitnant USA (ret), sündinud Kansas City, MO 1929. aastal, on alati väitnud, et tema valge vanaisa oli pärit Saksamaalt või tema vanemad olid pärit sealt ja et tema perekond on verega otseselt seotud J -ga Edgar Hoover nende kaudu. Ta on elus, elab Suitlandis, MD, ja teatab, et kui tema venna James Frank Hilli, mereväelasest meremehe surnukehad hukkusid teise maailmasõja lõpul rassirahutustes, toimetati tema perekonnale valve alla, andes korralduse, et kirstu mitte avamiseks saatis John Edgar oma matustele roosid ja esindaja.

Kolonel Hill, esimene mustanahaline naine, kes sai MD D.A.V. riigikomandöriks, väidab, et tema vanaisa ja major Hill võitlesid kodusõjas konföderatsiooni ohvitserina. Pärast sõda kohtus ta, kurameeris ja abiellus musta naisega, kes saabus osariikidesse Euroopast pärit perekonna palgal. Neil oli kaks last, üks hele, hele ja peaaegu valge, Charles, teine, tema isa Henry, oli tumedama nahaga.

'Major ' Hill 's naise vägistasid ja tapsid kaks valget meest, kui ta oli kodust eemal vabamüürlaste äris. Alabamasse naastes leidis ta ja tappis nad kättemaksuks, mis sundis teda osariigist põgenema koos väga väikese poja Henry ja ühe teismelisega. Ta jättis teismelise Charles'i koos sugulastega teele orjavabasse osariiki Kansasesse. Charles jätkas armee ohvitserina teenistust ja pensionile jäämist, alaline elukoht oli riigi keskel, oma tumedama venna lähedal, kuid mitte kunagi külas, kuna ta oli valgenahaline. Nagu J. Edgar, säilitas ka Charles oma isaga väga diskreetse kontakti, tavaliselt vaid mõne roosi või kirja või telefoni. Kolonel Hill ütleb, et tema järeltulijad võisid temaga mõne aasta eest ühendust võtta, kuid tema meeleolu ja ajastus olid perekonna taasühinemiseks valed. Olles hiljuti jõudnud oma 85. sünniaastapäevani, on ta uuesti läbi mõelnud ja tervitab kõiki kontakte oma laiendatud ja seni tundmatute pereliikmetega. Temaga saab ühendust aadressil PO Box 270, Temple Hills, MD 20757.


Genealogy Records võib viidata sellele, et J. Edgar Hoover oli afroameeriklane

Kas FBI direktor J. Edgar Hoover oli afroameerika mees?

Ligi 40 aastat pärast FBI asutaja J. Edgar Hooveri surma võib uuringust selguda, et kuritegevuse vastu võitlemise büroo juht oli tegelikult afroameeriklane, vahendab Washington Post. ”

“Minu vanaisa rääkis mulle, et see võimas mees Edgar oli tema teine ​​nõbu ja läks valgeks, ” ütleb Millie McGhee, Hoover ’s afroameerika sugulane. “Kui me sellest räägiksime, oleks [Edgar] nii võimas, et ta võiks meid kõiki tappa. Ma kasvasin üles hirmul selle kõige pärast. ”

McGhee hakkas paljastama fakte Hooveri mustanahaliste võimaluste kohta pärast seda, kui ta oli uurinud muudetud kohtuprotokolle, teinud suulisi intervjuusid nii valgete kui ka mustade põõsastega ning värvanud litsentseeritud suguvõsauurijad, kes tegid kindlaks, et Hoover oli tõepoolest tema sugulane.

Hooveri ja#8217 genealoogia saladus on Clint Eastwoodi filmi “J tõttu hiljuti huvi pakkunud. Edgar ” ilmus selle kuu alguses. Filmis ei maini Eastwood oma mustanahaliste sugulaste nagu McGhee kurvastuseks Hooveri võistlusi.

Pärast filmi ilmumist on nii paljud inimesed minult küsinud, miks minu teavet Hooveri mustade juurte kohta ei lisatud, ja#Mc21 ütles McGhee, kes on kirjutanud kaks selleteemalist raamatut, ja#8220 saladused: J. Edgar Hoover-sugulane ” ja “Avaldatud saladused: J. Edgar Hoover läheb valgeks?

Kas arvate, et McGhee uurimused J. Edgar Hooveri genealoogia kohta oleks pidanud Eastwoodi filmis sisalduma?


F.B.I. direktor

Direktorina viis Hoover ellu mitmeid institutsionaalseid muudatusi. Ta vallandas agendid, keda ta pidas poliitilisteks ametisse nimetatuteks või kvalifitseerimata, ning tellis uutele agenditaotlejatele taustakontrolli, intervjuud ja füüsilised testid. Samuti sai ta Kongressilt suuremaid rahalisi vahendeid ja asutas tehnilise labori, mis viis läbi teaduslikke meetodeid tõendite kogumiseks ja analüüsimiseks. 1935. aastal asutas Kongress Föderaalse Juurdlusbüroo ja jätkas Hooverit selle direktorina.

1930. aastatel tegid vägivaldsed gangsterid laastamistööd Kesk -Lääne väikelinnades. Kohalik politsei oli abitu jõukude ja suurepärase tulejõu ning kiirete põgenemisautode vastu. Suurtes linnades kogusid võimu ka sündinud kuritegelikud organisatsioonid. Hoover nõudis ja sai volituse, et büroo agendid järgiksid föderaalsete riikidevaheliste seaduste alusel neid rühmi. Sellised kurikuulsad gangsterid nagu John Dillinger ja George “Machine Gun ” Kelly said jahti ning arreteeriti või tapeti. Büroost sai riikliku valitsuse õiguskaitse jõupingutuste lahutamatu osa ja Ameerika popkultuuri ikoon, mis teenis föderaalagentidele monikeri ja#x201CG-mehed. ”

Teise maailmasõja ajal ja pärast seda sai FBI -st rahva tugipunkt natside ja kommunistide spionaaži vastu. Büroo viis Ameerika Ühendriikides läbi siseriikliku vastuluure-, vastuluure- ja sabotaažiuurimise ning president Franklin D. Roosevelt andis FBI-le korralduse juhtida välisluuret läänepoolkeral. Seda kõike, kui juhatus jätkas uurimist pangaröövide, inimröövide ja autovarguste osas.

J. Edgar Hoover osutab näpuga, kui annab tunnistust Ameerika Ühendriikide Ameerika Ühendriikide tegevuskomisjonis Washingtonis.

Foto: Hultoni arhiiv / Getty Images


J. Edgar Hoover - ajalugu

J. Edgar Hooveri saladused

Kuigi ta polnud kunagi valitud ühtegi ametisse, oli ta 50 aasta jooksul presidentidest võimsam. FBI juhina teadis ta, mida kõik teised tahavad varjata. Kuid avaliku isiku taga viis tema šokeeriv eraelu ta peaaegu alla. Mis olid J. Edgar Hooveri saladused?

J. Edgar Hoover

John Edgar Hoover (1. jaanuar 1895 - 2. mai 1972) oli USA föderaalse juurdlusbüroo (FBI) esimene direktor. Juurdlusbüroo direktoriks - FBI eelkäijaks - nimetati ta 1924, ta aitas kaasa FBI asutamisele 1935. aastal, kus ta jäi direktoriks kuni oma surmani 1972. aastal, olles 77 -aastane. kuritegevuse vastu võitlemise agentuur ning politseitehnoloogia moderniseerimine, näiteks tsentraliseeritud sõrmejäljefail ja kohtuekspertiisi laborid.

Elu lõpus ja pärast surma sai Hooverist vastuoluline tegelane, kuna tema salajase tegevuse tõendid said teatavaks. Tema kriitikud süüdistasid teda FBI pädevuse ületamises. Ta kasutas FBI -d poliitiliste teisitimõtlejate ja aktivistide ahistamiseks, poliitiliste liidrite salatoimikute kogumiseks ja ebaseaduslike meetoditega tõendite kogumiseks. Järelikult kogus Hoover palju võimu. Ütles üks ajakirjanik 1960ndatel, “Hoover ei pea survet avaldama on rõhk. ”

Varane elu ja haridus

J. Edgar Hoover sündis uusaasta ja#8217ndate päeval 1895 Washingtonis, saksa šveitsi päritolu Anna Mariele (neiuna Scheitlin 1860–1938) ja inglise ja saksa päritolu Dickerson Naylor Hooverile (1856–1921). . Hooveri ema onu oli Šveitsi aukonsul Ameerika Ühendriikides. Hoover ei esitanud sünnitunnistust, kuigi seda nõuti 1895. aastal Washingtonis. Kahel õel -vennal olid tunnistused. Hoover ’s esitati alles 1938. aastal, kui ta oli 43 -aastane.

Hoover kasvas üles Washingtoni idaturu lähedal ja Capitol Hilli naabruses. Keskkoolis laulis ta koolikooris, osales reservohvitseride ja koolituskorpuse programmis ning võistles väitlusmeeskonnas, kus vaidles naiste valimisõiguse saamise vastu ja surmanuhtluse kaotamise vastu. Koolileht aplodeeris tema “jahedale, järeleandmatule loogikale. ”

Ta omandas juristi kraadi George Washingtoni ülikooli õigusteaduskonnas 1916. aastal, kus ta oli Kappa alfa -ordu Alpha Nu peatüki liige ja samas ülikoolis õigusteaduse magistrikraadi omandanud LL.M. Õigusteaduse tudengina tundis Hoover huvi New Yorgi Ameerika Ühendriikide postiinspektori Anthony Comstocki karjääri vastu, kes pidas pikaajalisi kampaaniaid pettuste ja pahede vastu ning oli ka pornograafia ja rasestumisvastase võitluse vastu.

Hoover elas kogu oma elu Washingtonis ja justiitsministeeriumis

Vahetult pärast kraadi omandamist palkas justiitsministeerium Hooveri tööle sõjaolukorra osakonnas. Peagi sai temast Division ’s Alien Enemy Bureau juht, kellele president Wilson andis Esimese maailmasõja alguses volituse ebalojaalseid välismaalasi ilma kohtuta vahistada ja vangi panna. Täiendavad volitused sai ta 1917. aasta spionaažiseadusest. Büroo arreteeris 1400 USA -s elava kahtlase sakslase nimekirjast 98 ja määras 1172 arreteeritavaks.

Augustis 1919 sai Hooverist juurdlusbüroo uue üldluureosakonna juht, mida tuntakse ka kui radikaaldiviisi, kuna selle eesmärk oli jälgida ja häirida kodumaiste radikaalide tööd. America ’s Esimene Red Scare oli algamas ja üks Hooveri esimesi ülesandeid oli läbi viia Palmer Raids.

Hoover ja tema valitud assistent George Ruch jälgisid mitmesuguseid USA radikaale eesmärgiga neid karistada, vahistada või välja saata. Selle perioodi sihtmärkide hulka kuulusid Marcus Garvey Rose pastor Stokes ja Cyril Briggs Emma Goldman ja Alexander Berkman ning tulevane ülemkohtu kohtunik Felix Frankfurter, kelle sõnul Hoover oli USA kõige ohtlikum mees.

1921. aastal tõusis ta uurimisbüroos juhataja asetäitjaks ja 1924. aastal tegi peaprokurör temast direktori kohusetäitja. 10. mail 1924 nimetas president Calvin Coolidge Hooveri uurimisbüroo kuuendaks direktoriks pärast president Warren Hardingi surma ja vastuseks väidetele, et eelmine direktor William J. Burns oli seotud teekannu kupliga. . Kui Hoover võttis juurdlusbüroo üle, töötas selles umbes 650 töötajat, sealhulgas 441 eriagenti.

Hooverit märgistati juhtimisel mõnikord kapriisina ning ta vallandas sageli FBI agendid, tuues esile need, kes tema arvates tundusid rumalad nagu veoautojuhid ja#8221 või ta pidas peapeadeks. ta karjääri lõpetavatele ülesannetele ja asukohtadele. Melvin Purvis oli suurepärane näide, et ta oli üks tõhusamaid agente 1930ndate jõukude tabamisel ja lõhkumisel ning pälvis olulist avalikku tunnustust, kuid armukade Hoover manööverdas ta FBIst välja.

Hoover kiitis sageli kohalikke korrakaitseametnikke üle kogu riigi ja lõi selle käigus riikliku toetajate ja austajate võrgustiku. Üks, mida ta sageli kiitis, oli Louisiana osariigi Caddo kihelkonna konservatiivne šerif J. Howell Flournoy, eriti tõhususe eest.

Gangsteri sõjad

Kuulsad depressiooni ajastu gangsterid, sealhulgas Pretty Boy Floyd, Baby Face Nelson, Machine Gun Kelly jt (1920 ja#8217).

1930. aastate alguses korraldasid kuritegelikud jõugud Kesk -Läänes palju pangarööve. Nad kasutasid oma suurepärast tulejõudu ja kiireid põgenemisautosid, et vältida kohalikke õiguskaitseasutusi ja vältida arreteerimist. Paljud neist kurjategijatest, eriti John Dillinger, kes sai kuulsaks hüpates üle pangapuuride ning põgenedes korduvalt vanglatest ja politseilõksudest, tõstsid sageli Ameerika Ühendriikides ajalehtede pealkirju. Kuna röövlid tegutsesid osariikide vahel, muutusid nende kuriteod föderaalseks kuriteoks, andes Hooverile ja tema meestele volituse neid jälitada. Esialgu tabas FBI piinlikke rikkumisi, eriti Dillingeri ja tema vandenõulastega. Haarang Wisconsini osariigis Manitowish Watersis asuvasse suvemajja nimega “Väike Böömimaa ” jättis FBI agendi ja tsiviilisikust kõrvalseisja surnuks ning teised said haavata. Kõik gangsterid pääsesid. Hoover mõistis, et tema töö on nüüd kaalul ja ta tõmbas kõik peatused välja, et süüdlasi tabada. 1934. aasta juuli lõpus sai eriagent Melvin Purvis, Chicago büroo operatsioonide direktor, vihje Dillingeri asukoha kohta, mis tasus end ära, kui Dillinger paiknes, varitses ja tappis FBI agendid väljaspool Biograafiateatrit.

Samal perioodil toimus keelamise tõttu arvukalt maffiatulistamisi, samas kui Hoover eitas jätkuvalt organiseeritud kuritegevuse olemasolu. Frank Costello aitas seda vaadet julgustada, süües Hooverit, “kamatut hobusemängijat ja#8221, kes teadaolevalt saadab eriagendid tema eest 100 -dollarilisi panuseid tegema, näpunäiteid kindlate võitjate kohta nende ühise sõbra, kuulujuttude kolumnisti Walter Winchelli kaudu. Hoover ütles, et bürool on “ palju olulisemad funktsioonid ” kui kihlveokontorite ja mängurite arreteerimine.

Ehkki teda seal polnud, omistati Hooverile mitu avalikult kinnipidamist või ebaseaduslike ja pangaröövlite tulistamist. Nende hulka kuulusid Dillinger, Alvin Karpis ja kuulipilduja Kelly, mis viis büroo volituste laiendamiseni ja sai uue nime 1935. aastal: Föderaalne Juurdlusbüroo. 1939. aastal sai FBI kodumaise luure valdkonnas esiplaanile. Hoover tegi muudatusi, näiteks laiendas ja kombineeris sõrmejälgede faile identifitseerimisjaoskonnas, et koostada seni suurim sõrmejälgede kogu. Samuti aitas Hoover laiendada FBI ’ värbamist ja luua FBI laboratooriumi, mis loodi 1932. aastal, et uurida FBI leitud tõendeid.

Subversiooni ja radikaalide uurimine

Hoover, võib-olla Richard Nixoni käsul, uuris endist biitlit John Lennonit, pannes laulja valve alla, ja Hoover kirjutas selle kirja peaprokurörile 1972. aastal. Ajaloolase Jon Wieneri 25-aastane lahing infovabaduse seaduse alusel lõpuks avaldati sellised dokumendid nagu see.

Hoover oli mures õõnestamise pärast ja tema juhtimisel luurab FBI kümneid tuhandeid kahtlustatavaid õõnestusi ja radikaale. Kriitikute sõnul kippus Hoover liialdama nende väidetavate õõnestuste ohtudega ja ületas mitu korda oma piire, püüdes seda tajutavat ohtu kõrvaldada.

FBI uuris 1930. aastate lõpus Saksa diversantide ja luurajate rõngaid ning vastutas esmajoones vastulöögi eest. Esimesed Saksa agendid arreteeriti 1938. aastal ja need jätkusid kogu Teise maailmasõja ajal. Teise maailmasõja ajal Quirini afääris seadsid Saksa U-paadid Floridas ja Long Islandil kaldale kaks väikest natsiagentide rühma, kes põhjustasid riigis sabotaaži. Kaks meeskonda peeti kinni pärast seda, kui üks meestest võttis ühendust FBI -ga ja rääkis neile kõik. Samuti esitati talle süüdistus ja süüdi mõisteti. Sõja ajal ja palju aastaid pärast seda säilitas FBI loo väljamõeldud versiooni, milles ta oli diversante ennetanud ja kinni püüdnud üksnes oma uurimistega ning oli isegi Saksamaa valitsusse imbunud. See lugu oli sõja ajal kasulik sakslaste heidutamiseks, muutes FBI võimatumaks, kui see tegelikult oli, ja võib-olla hiljem ka nõukogude eksitamiseks, kuid see aitas ka Hooveril endal jõupingutusi säilitada FBI superkangelase stiilis kuvand. Ameerika meeltes.

FBI osales Venona projektis, II maailmasõja eelses ühisprojektis koos brittidega, et kuulata pealt Ühendkuningriigi ja Ameerika Ühendriikide Nõukogude luurajaid. Esialgu ei mõistetud, et spionaaži toime pandi, kuid kuna Nõukogude Liit kasutas sõja ajal mitu korda ühekordset turvakoodi, mis on tavaliselt purunematu, loodi koondamisi, mis võimaldasid mõned pealtkuulamised dekodeerida, mis pani aluse spionaažile. Hoover hoidis pealtkuulamist - Ameerika ja#8217 suurimat vastuluure -sekretäri - oma kabinetis lukustatud seifis, otsustades mitte teatada sellest president Trumanile, peaprokurör J. Howard McGrathile või kahele riigisekretärile - dekaan Achesonile ja kindral George Marshallile. Ta teavitas Luure Keskagentuuri (CIA) Venona projektist 1952. aastal.

1946. aastal andis USA peaprokurör Tom C. Clark loa Hooverile koostada nimekiri potentsiaalselt ebalojaalsetest ameeriklastest, kes võidakse sõjaaegse riikliku hädaolukorra ajal kinni pidada. 1950. aastal, Korea sõja puhkemisel, esitas Hoover president Trumanile plaani peatada habeas corpus'i kiri ja kinni pidada 12 000 ameeriklast, keda kahtlustatakse ebalojaalsuses. Truman did not act on the plan.

COINTELPRO years – Main article: COINTELPRO

The same Hoover letter, with fewer redactions.

In 1956, Hoover was becoming increasingly frustrated by Supreme Court decisions that limited the Justice Department’s ability to prosecute people for their political opinions, most notably communists. At this time he formalized a covert “dirty tricks” program under the name COINTELPRO.

This program remained in place until it was revealed to the public in 1971, after the theft of many internal documents stolen from an office in Media, Pennsylvania, and was the cause of some of the harshest criticism of Hoover and the FBI. COINTELPRO was first used to disrupt the Communist Party, where Hoover went after targets that ranged from suspected everyday spies to larger celebrity figures such as Charlie Chaplin who were seen as spreading Communist Party propaganda, and later organizations such as the Black Panther Party, Martin Luther King, Jr.‘s Southern Christian Leadership Conference and others. Its methods included infiltration, burglaries, illegal wiretaps, planting forged documents and spreading false rumors about key members of target organizations. Some authors have charged that COINTELPRO methods also included inciting violence and arranging murders. In 1975, the activities of COINTELPRO were investigated by the United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, called the Church Committee after its chairman, Senator Frank Church (D–Idaho), and these activities were declared illegal and contrary to the Constitution. Hoover amassed significant power by collecting files containing large amounts of compromising and potentially embarrassing information on many powerful people, especially politicians. According to Laurence Silberman, appointed Deputy Attorney General in early 1974, FBI Director Clarence M. Kelley thought such files either did not exist or had been destroyed. Pärast Washington Post broke a story in January 1975, Kelley searched and found them in his outer office. The House Judiciary Committee then demanded that Silberman testify about them.

In 1956, several years before he targeted King, Hoover had a public showdown with T.R.M. Howard, a civil rights leader from Mound Bayou, Mississippi. During a national speaking tour, Howard had criticized the FBI’s failure to thoroughly investigate the racially motivated murders of George W. Lee, Lamar Smith, and Emmett Till. Hoover wrote an open letter to the press singling out these statements as “irresponsible.”

Response to Mafia and civil rights groups

While Hoover had fought bank-robbing gangsters in the 1930s, anti-communism was a bigger focus for him after World War II, as the cold war developed. During the 1940s through mid-1950s, he seemed to ignore organized crime of the type that ran vice rackets such as drugs, prostitution, and extortion. He denied that any mafia operated in the U.S. In the 1950s, evidence of Hoover’s unwillingness to focus FBI resources on the Mafia became grist for the media and his many detractors. The Apalachin Meeting of late 1957 changed this it embarrassed the FBI by proving on newspaper front pages that a nationwide mafia syndicate thrived unimpeded by the nation’s “top cops”. Hoover immediately changed tack, and during the next five years, the FBI investigated organized crime heavily. Its concentration on the topic fluctuated in subsequent decades, but it never again merely ignored this category of crime.

Hoover’s moves against people who maintained contacts with subversive elements, some of whom were members of the civil rights movement, also led to accusations of trying to undermine their reputations. The treatment of Martin Luther King, Jr. and actress Jean Seberg are two examples. Jacqueline Kennedy recalled that Hoover told President John F. Kennedy that King tried to arrange a sex party while in the capital for the March on Washington and told Robert Kennedy that King made derogatory comments during the President’s funeral. Hoover, despite maintaining a public persona of a noble man, was privately racist and was not enthused about racial integration. After trying for a while to trump up evidence that would smear King as being influenced by communists, he discovered that King had a weakness for extramarital sex, and switched to this topic for further smears.

Hoover personally directed the FBI investigation into the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. In 1964, just days before Hoover testified in the earliest stages of the Warren Commission hearings, President Lyndon B. Johnson waived the then-mandatory U.S. Government Service Retirement Age of seventy, allowing Hoover to remain the FBI Director “for an indefinite period of time.” The House Select Committee on Assassinations issued a report in 1979 critical of the performance by the FBI, the Warren Commission, and other agencies. The report also criticized what it characterized as the FBI’s reluctance to thoroughly investigate the possibility of a conspiracy to assassinate the President.

Late career and death

J. Edgar Hoover, director of the FBI, photographed in 1961.

Presidents Harry S. Truman and John F. Kennedy each considered dismissing Hoover as FBI Director, but ultimately concluded that the political cost of doing so would be too great.

Hoover’s FBI investigated Hollywood lobbyist Jack Valenti, a special assistant and confidant to President Lyndon Johnson, in 1964. Despite Valenti’s two-year marriage to Johnson’s personal secretary, the investigation focused on rumors that he was having a gay relationship with a commercial photographer friend.

Hoover maintained strong support in Congress until his death at his Washington, D.C., home on May 2, 1972, from a heart attack attributed to cardio-vascular disease. His body lay in state in the Rotunda of the U.S. Capitol, where Chief Justice Warren Burger eulogized him. President Richard Nixon delivered another eulogy at the funeral service in the National Presbyterian Church. Nixon called Hoover “one of the giants. His long life brimmed over with magnificent achievement and dedicated service to this country which he loved so well.” Hoover was buried in the Congressional Cemetery in Washington, D.C., next to the graves of his parents and a sister who died in infancy.

Operational command of the Bureau passed to Associate Director Clyde Tolson. On May 3, Nixon appointed L. Patrick Gray, a Justice Department official with no FBI experience, as Acting Director, with W. Mark Felt remaining as Associate Director.


Sisu

In 1919, after Bolsheviks fail to assassinate Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer, he puts his protégé J. Edgar Hoover in charge of a new division dedicated to purging radicals. Hoover quickly begins compiling a list of suspects. He meets Helen Gandy, a new secretary at the Justice Department, and takes her to the Library of Congress to show her the card catalog system he devised. He makes an awkward pass at her, then proposes to her. She refuses him, but agrees to become his personal secretary.

Hoover finds that the Department of Labor refuses to deport anyone without evidence of a crime. Learning that Anthony Caminetti, the Commissioner General of Immigration, dislikes the anarchist Emma Goldman, Hoover arranges to make her eligible for deportation and thereby creates a precedent of deportation for radical conspiracy. Following several such Justice Department raids of suspected radical groups, Palmer loses his job as Attorney General. His successor, Harlan F. Stone, appoints Hoover as director of the Justice Department's new Bureau of Investigation. Hoover meets lawyer Clyde Tolson, and hires him.

When the Lindbergh kidnapping captures national attention, President Herbert Hoover asks the Bureau to investigate. Hoover employs several novel techniques, including the monitoring of registration numbers on ransom bills and expert analysis of the kidnapper's handwriting. When the monitored bills begin showing up in New York City, the investigators find a filling station attendant who wrote down the license plate number of the man who gave him the bill. This leads to the arrest, and eventual conviction, of Bruno Richard Hauptmann for the kidnapping and murder of the Lindbergh child.

After Hoover, Tolson, and Hoover's mother (with whom Hoover still lives) see the James Cagney film G Men, Hoover and Tolson go out to a club, where Hoover is seated with Anita Colby, Ginger Rogers, and Rogers' mother Lela. Rogers' mother asks Hoover to dance and he becomes agitated, saying that he and Tolson must leave, as they have a lot of work to do in the morning. When he gets home, he tells his mother that he dislikes dancing with girls. She tells him she would rather her son be dead than a "daffodil". She insists on teaching him to dance, and they dance in her bedroom.

Hoover and Tolson go on a vacation to the horse races. That evening, Hoover tells Tolson that he cares deeply for him, and Tolson tells Hoover that he loves him. Hoover panics and claims that he wants to marry Dorothy Lamour. Tolson accuses Hoover of making a fool out of him and they end up fighting on the floor. Tolson suddenly kisses Hoover, who says that must never happen again Tolson says that it won't, and tries to leave. Hoover apologizes and begs him to stay, but Tolson threatens to end their friendship if Hoover talks about another woman again. After Tolson leaves, Hoover says that he loves him, too.

Years later, Hoover feels his strength begin to decline, while Tolson suffers a stroke. Hoover tries to blackmail Martin Luther King, Jr. into declining his Nobel Peace Prize, sending him a letter threatening to expose his extramarital affairs. King disregards this and accepts the prize.

Hoover tells Gandy to destroy his secret files after his death in order to prevent President Richard Nixon from possessing them. He visits Tolson, who urges him to retire. Hoover refuses, claiming that Nixon is going to destroy the bureau he has created. Tolson accuses Hoover of having exaggerated his involvement with key events of the Bureau. Moments later, Hoover tells Tolson that he needed Tolson more than he ever needed anyone else. He holds Tolson's hand, kisses his forehead, and leaves.

Hoover returns home from work, obviously weakened. Shortly after Hoover goes upstairs, his housekeeper calls Tolson, who goes to the house and finds Hoover dead next to his bed. A grief-stricken Tolson covers his friend's body. Nixon gives a memorial speech on television for Hoover, while several members of his staff enter Hoover's office and search through the cabinets and drawers in search of his rumored "confidential" files, but find nothing. In the last scene, Gandy destroys stacks of files.

    as J. Edgar Hoover as Clyde Tolson as Helen Gandy as Charles Lindbergh as Anna Marie Hoover, Hoover's mother as Norman Schwarzkopf, Sr. as Bruno Richard Hauptmann as Robert F. Kennedy as Agent Smith, Hoover's biographer as John Condon as U.S. Attorney General Harlan F. Stone as Arthur Koehler as Albert S. Osborn as Walter Lyle as A. Mitchell Palmer as Lela Rogers as Richard Nixon as Agent Garrison as Emma Goldman as US Senator Kenneth McKellar as Inspector Schell as Raymond Caffrey as Shirley Temple as Anita Colby as Robert Irwin as Palmer's daughter as Edgar's niece

Gunner Wright and David A. Cooper are cast as future presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower [5] and Franklin D. Roosevelt, respectively, and are seen in the group of onlookers who arrive following the bombing at A. Mitchell Palmer's house.

Charlize Theron, who was originally slated to play Helen Gandy, dropped out of the project to do Snow White and the Huntsman, and Eastwood considered Amy Adams before finally selecting Naomi Watts as Theron's replacement. [6]

Kriitiline vastus Muuda

On review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes reports an approval rating of 43% based on 243 reviews, with an average rating of 5.72/10. The website's critical consensus reads, "Leonardo DiCaprio gives a predictably powerhouse performance, but J. Edgar stumbles in all other departments: cheesy makeup, poor lighting, confusing narrative, and humdrum storytelling." [7] Metacritic, which assigns a weighted average rating to reviews, gives the film a normalized score of 59 out of 100, based on 42 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews". [8] Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "B" on an A+ to F scale. [9]

Roger Ebert awarded the film three-and-a-half stars (out of four) and wrote that the film is "fascinating" and "masterful". He praised DiCaprio's performance as a "fully-realized, subtle and persuasive performance, hinting at more than Hoover ever revealed, perhaps even to himself". [10] Todd McCarthy of Hollywoodi reporter gave the film a positive review, writing, "This surprising collaboration between director Clint Eastwood and Piim screenwriter Dustin Lance Black tackles its trickiest challenges with plausibility and good sense, while serving up a simmeringly caustic view of its controversial subject's behavior, public and private." [11] David Denby in New Yorker magazine also liked the film, calling it a "nuanced account" and calling "Eastwood's touch light and sure, his judgment sound, the moments of pathos held just long enough." [12]

J. Hoberman of Küla hääl wrote: "Although hardly flawless, Eastwood's biopic is his richest, most ambitious movie since Iwo Jima kirjad ja Meie isade lipud." [13]

Peter Debruge of Mitmekesisus gave the film a mixed review: "Any movie in which the longtime FBI honcho features as the central character must supply some insight into what made him tick, or suffer from the reality that the Bureau's exploits were far more interesting than the bureaucrat who ran it – a dilemma J. Edgar never rises above." [14] David Edelstein of New Yorgi ajakiri reacted negatively to the film and said: "It's too bad J. Edgar is so shapeless and turgid and ham-handed, so rich in bad lines and worse readings." He praised DiCaprio's performance: "There's something appealingly straightforward about the way he physicalizes Hoover's inner struggle, the body always slightly out of sync with the mind that vigilantly monitors every move." [15]

Box office Edit

The film opened limited in 7 theaters on November 9, grossing $52,645, [16] and released wide on November 11, grossing $11.2 million in its opening weekend, [17] approximating the $12 million figure projected by the Los Angeles Times for the film's opening weekend in the United States and Canada. [2] J. Edgar went on to gross over $84.9 million worldwide and over $37.3 million at the domestic box office. [18] Breakdowns of audience demographics for the movie showed that ticket buyers were nearly 95% over the age of 25 and slightly over 50% female.

List of awards and nominations for J. Edgar
Date of ceremony Auhind Kategooria Recipient(s) Tulemus
January 27, 2012 AACTA Awards [19] Best Actor – International Leonardo DiCaprio Nomineeritud
December 11, 2011 American Film Institute [20] Top 10 Films J. Edgar Võitis
January 12, 2012 Broadcast Film Critics Association [21] Parim näitleja Leonardo DiCaprio Nomineeritud
January 15, 2012 Golden Globe Awards [22] Best Actor – Motion Picture Drama Nomineeritud
December 1, 2011 National Board of Review [23] Top Ten Films J. Edgar Võitis
December 18, 2011 Satellite Awards [24] Best Actor – Motion Picture Drama Leonardo DiCaprio Nomineeritud
January 29, 2012 Screen Actors Guild Awards [25] Outstanding Performance by a Male Actor in a Leading Role Nomineeritud
Outstanding Performance by a Male Actor in a Supporting Role Armie Hammer Nomineeritud

In an interview on All Things Considered, Yale University history professor Beverly Gage, who is writing a biography of Hoover, stated that the film accurately conveys that Hoover came to the FBI as a reformer seeking "to clean it up, to professionalize it," and to introduce scientific methods to its investigation, eventually including such practices as fingerprinting and bloodtyping. She praises DiCaprio for conveying the tempo of Hoover's speech. However, she notes that the film's central narrative device in which Hoover dictates his memoirs to FBI agents chosen as writers, is fictitious: "He didn't ever have the sort of formal situation that you see in the movie where he was dictating a memoir to a series of young agents, and that that is the official record of the FBI." [26] Historian Aaron J. Stockham of the Waterford School, whose dissertation was on the relationship of the FBI and the US Congress during the Hoover years, wrote on the History News Network of George Mason University, "J. Edgar portrays Hoover as the man who successfully integrated scientific processes into law enforcement investigations. There is no doubt, from the historical record, that Hoover was instrumental in creating the FBI's scientific reputation." [27] Stockham notes that Hoover probably did not write the FBI–King suicide letter to Martin Luther King, Jr., as the film portrays: "While such a letter was written, Hoover almost certainly delegated it to others within the Bureau." [27]


J. Edgar Hoover - History

Testimony of J. Edgar Hoover before HUAC (exceprts)
Digital History ID 3632

Author: J. Edgar Hoover
Date:1947

Märkus: These excerpts include J. Edgar Hoover’s testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee. He describes the terrible plan of communists in the United States. J. Edgar Hoover was director of the FBI beginning in the 1930s through 1972 when he died.


Dokument: March 26, 1947

My feelings concerning the Communist Party of the United States are well known. I have not hesitated over the years to express my concern and apprehension. As a consequence its professional smear brigades have conducted a relentless assault against the FBI. You who have been members of this committee also know the fury with which the party, its sympathizers and fellow travelers can launch an assault. I do not mind such attacks. What has been disillusioning is the manner in which they have been able to enlist support often from apparently well-meaning but thoroughly duped persons. .

The communist movement in the United States began to manifest itself in 1919. Since then it has changed its name and its party line whenever expedient and tactical. But always it comes back to fundamentals and bills itself as the party of Marxism-Leninism. As such, it stands for the destruction of our American form of government it stands for the destruction of American democracy it stands for the destruction of free enterprise and it stands for the creation of a "Soviet of the United States" and ultimate world revolution. .

The communist, once he is fully trained and indoctrinated, realizes that he can create his order in the United States only by "bloody revolution." Their chief textbook, "The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union," is used as a basis for planning their revolution. Their tactics require that to be successful they must have:

1. The will and sympathy of the people.

2. Military aid and assistance.

3. Plenty of guns and ammunition.

4. A program for extermination of the police as they are the most important enemy and are termed "trained fascists."

5. Seizure of all communications, buses, railroads, radio stations, and other forms of communications and transportation. .

Üks on kindel. The American progress which all good citizens seek, such as old-age security, houses for veterans, child assistance, and a host of others, is being adopted as window dressing by the communists to conceal their true aims and entrap gullible followers. .

The mad march of Red fascism is a cause for concern in America. But the deceit, the trickery, and the lies of the American communists are catching up with them. Whenever the spotlight of truth is focused upon them they cry, "Red-baiting." Now that their aims and objectives are being exposed, they are creating a Committee for the Constitutional Rights of Communists, and are feverishly working to build up what they term a quarter-million-dollar defense fund to place ads in papers, to publish pamphlets, to buy radio time. They know that their backs will soon be to the wall. .

What is important is the claim of the communists themselves that for every party member there are 10 others ready, willing and able to do the party's work. Herein lies the greatest menace of communism. For these are the people who infiltrate and corrupt various spheres of American life. So rather than the size of the Communist Party, the way to weigh its true importance is by testing its influence, its ability to infiltrate. .

The communists have developed one of the greatest propaganda machines the world has ever known. They have been able to penetrate and infiltrate many respectable public opinion mediums. They capitalize upon ill-founded charges associating known honest progressive liberals with left-wing causes. I have always entertained the view that there are few appellations more degrading than "communist" and hence it should be reserved for those justly deserving the degradation.

The communist propaganda technique is designed to promote emotional response with the hope that the victim will be attracted by what he is told the communist way of life holds in store for him. The objective, of course, is to develop discontent and hasten the day when the communists can gather sufficient support and following to overthrow the American way of life. .

Communists and their followers are prolific letter writers, and some of the more energetic ones follow the practice of directing numerous letters of protest to editors but signing a different name to each. Members of Congress are well aware of communists starting their pressure campaigns by an avalanche of mail which follows the party line. .

The American communists launched a furtive attack on Hollywood in 1935 by the issuance of a directive calling for a concentration in Hollywood. The orders called for action on two fronts: One, an effort to infiltrate the labor unions two, infiltrate the so-called intellectual and creative fields.

In movie circles, communists developed an effective defense a few years ago in meeting criticism. They would counter with the question "After all, what is the matter with communism?" It was effective because many persons did not possess adequate knowledge of the subject to give an intelligent answer. .

I feel that this committee could render a great service to the nation through its power of exposure in quickly spotlighting existing front organizations and those which will be created in the future. There are easy tests to establish the real character of such organizations:

1. Does the group espouse the cause of Americanism or the cause of Soviet Russia?

2. Does the organization feature as speakers at its meeting known communists, sympathizers, or fellow travelers?

3. Does the organization shift when the party line shifts?

4. Does the organization sponsor causes, campaigns, literature, petitions, or other activities sponsored by the party or other front organizations?

5. Is the organization used as a sounding board by or is it endorsed by communist-controlled labor unions?

6. Does its literature follow the communist line or is it printed by the communist press?

7. Does the organization receive consistent favorable mention in the communist publications?

8. Does the organization present itself to be nonpartisan yet engage in political activities and consistently advocate causes favored by the communists?

9. Does the organization denounce American and British foreign policy while always lauding Soviet policy?

10. Does the organization utilize communist "double-talk" by referring to Soviet dominated countries as democracies, complaining that the United States is imperialistic and constantly denouncing monopoly-capital?

11. Have outstanding leaders in public life openly renounced affiliation with the organization?

12. Does the organization, if espousing liberal progressive causes, attract well-known honest patriotic liberals or does it denounce well-known liberals?

13. Does the organization have a consistent record of supporting the American viewpoint over the years?

14. Does the organization consider matters now directly related to its avowed purposes and objectives?

The Communist Party of the United States is a fifth column if there ever was one. It is far better organized than were the Nazis in occupied countries prior to their capitulation. They are seeking to weaken America just as they did in their era of obstruction when they were aligned with the Nazis. Their goal is the overthrow of our government. There is no doubt as to where a real communist's loyalty rests. Their allegiance is to Russia, not the United States. .

What can we do? And what should be our course of action? The best antidote to communism is vigorous, intelligent, old-fashioned Americanism, with eternal vigilance. I do not favor any course of action which would give the communists cause to portray and pity themselves as martyrs. I do favor unrelenting prosecution wherever they are found to be violating our country's laws.

As Americans, our most effective defense is a workable democracy that guarantees and preserves our cherished freedoms.

I would have no fears if more Americans possessed the zeal, the fervor, the persistence and the industry to learn about this menace of Red fascism. I do fear for the liberal and progressive who has been hoodwinked and duped into joining hands with the communists. I confess to a real apprehension so long as communists are able to secure ministers of the gospel to promote their evil work and espouse a cause that is alien to the religion of Christ and Judaism. I do fear so long as school boards and parents tolerate conditions whereby communists and fellow travelers, under the guise of academic freedom, can teach our youth a way of life that eventually will destroy the sanctity of the home, that undermines faith in God, that causes them to scorn respect for constituted authority and sabotage our revered Constitution.

I do fear so long as American labor groups are infiltrated, dominated or saturated with the virus of communism. I do fear the palliation and weasel-worded gestures against communism indulged in by some of our labor leaders who should know better, but who have become pawns in the hands of sinister but astute manipulations for the communist cause.

I fear for ignorance on the part of all our people who may take the poisonous pills of communist propaganda.


Tag: J. Edgar Hoover

In August 1935, Special Agents Nelson B. Klein and Donald C. McGovern from the Cincinnati office of the FBI began investigating convicted criminal George W. Barrett, the “Diamond King,” for his suspected involvement in a number of motor vehicle scams in Ohio and elsewhere across the country. The Department of Justice had Barrett under surveillance since 1931 for dealing in stolen automobiles. In “Barrett v. United States,” in the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, heard on March 17, 1936, the court provided details on Barrett’s criminal activities, stating:

His method was to buy an automobile, obtain title papers for it, steal an automobile of similar description, change its motor numbers to correspond with those on the purchased car, obtain duplicate title papers, and then sell the stolen car to some dealer.

In each instance, Barrett sold the stolen vehicles with papers purporting to show that the sales were legitimate.

Special Agent Nelson B. Klein. Courtesy Federal Bureau of Investigation at “History – Federal Bureau of Investigation.”

Special Agents Klein and McGovern learned that Barrett was in Hamilton, Ohio after a recent car deal there with the Central Motor Company, but neither they nor the local police were able to question him before he left the area. Acting on a tip, the G-Men – a term used to describe government men, particularly the federal agents working under J. Edgar Hoover – suspected Barrett might travel to College Corner at the Ohio-Indiana border, where Barrett’s brother lived. They drove there on August 16, 1935 and spotted Barrett near the residence of his brother’s home, along with a vehicle matching the motor number of an automobile involved in one of Barrett’s recent schemes. Klein telephoned the sheriff’s office in Hamilton for assistance in arresting Barrett, and he and McGovern parked their car and waited. Before Sheriff John Schumacher and Deputy Charles Walke arrived, Barrett returned to his car with a package in which he had hidden a gun.

Special Agent Donald C. McGovern. Courtesy William Plunkett, The G-Man and the Diamond King, page 37.

Barrett went to unlock his car door, but as Klein and McGovern started their vehicle and began to approach, he abruptly turned and started walking away. Fearful that he was trying to flee and would elude them again, Klein jumped out of the FBI vehicle and called out to him to stop. Barrett ignored the calls and continued walking down a nearby alley with Klein in pursuit.

Once back in the open, the “Diamond King” opened fire, striking Klein numerous times. Klein returned fire and succeeded in hitting Barrett in the legs, but the federal agent succumbed to his gunshot wounds and died at the scene.

In the days following, newspapers across the country reported on the gun battle that had ensued in College Corner. On August 18, 1935, just two days after the shooting, the Indianapolise täht reported that Barrett would stand trial in Indianapolis and would be taken there as soon as his wounds allowed. Although College Corner falls right along the Indiana-Ohio line, agents confirmed that Klein had fallen dead on the Indiana side. The Richmond Item reported: “the trial, to be held in the Indianapolis Federal Courtroom, will be the first murder trial ever conducted in the Southern Indiana District Court.”

[Zanesville, Ohio] Times Recorder, August 17, 1935, page 1. Courtesy Newspapers.com. Sheboygan [Wisconsin] Press, August 17, 1935, page 2. Courtesy Newspapers.com.

The Richmond Item, August 31, 1935, page 1. Courtesy Newspapers.com.

Federal officers transferred Barrett from the Hamilton, Ohio hospital to the City Hospital in Indianapolis on August 21. On August 26, the [Hamilton] Journal News reported on the recovery of one of the automobiles Barrett reportedly stole and transported over state lines from San Diego to Hamilton. Barrett allegedly changed the motor and serial numbers of the car before selling it to a garage in Hamilton. Jurors wasted no time in indicting Barrett for the murder of Special Agent Klein and for violating the National Motor Vehicle Theft Act.

George W. Barrett. Courtesy Find a Grave.

Passed in 1919, the National Motor Vehicle Theft Act – also known as the Dyer Act – helped supplement individual states’ efforts to combat automobile theft in the country. In the fall of 1919, newspapers reported that the practice of stealing automobiles was on the rise throughout the U.S., especially in some midwestern cities such as Detroit, Chicago, and St. Louis. The Indianapolise uudised claimed that over 22,000 automobiles were stolen in eighteen western and midwestern cities in 1918. Other articles put the number closer to 30,000. Congressman Leonidas C. Dyer of Missouri, who introduced the legislation, argued that the losses amounted to hundreds of thousands of dollars each year, while also causing hefty increases in automobile theft insurance.

Stolen vehicles reported by Representative Dyer. Chicago Tribune, September 21, 1919, section 2, page 13. Courtesy Newspapers.com.

The act sought “to punish the transportation of stolen motor vehicles in interstate or foreign commerce.” In accordance with the law, anyone who knowingly transported or caused to be transported a stolen motor vehicle in interstate or foreign commerce could be fined up to $5,000, imprisoned for up to five years, or both. Those found guilty of violating the law could also be punished in any district through which the guilty party transported the vehicle. According to former Special Agent William Plunkett in The G-Man and the Diamond King:

The BOI (later the FBI) gained more influence in 1919 with the passage of the Dyer Act . . . now it could prosecute criminals who’d previously evaded the Bureau by driving across a state line. More than any other law, the Dyer Act sealed the FBI’s reputation as a national investigative crime-fighting organization.

Federal officers arrested many professional automobile thieves in the 1920s and 1930s after the law went into effect. In many instances, these criminals were wanted for other offenses, including murder. Prior to the passage of the act, federal agents did not have the authority to pursue such criminals and had to let local and state authorities try to handle the rising number of cases. In some instances, local authorities caught and successfully imprisoned criminals and gangsters of the period, only to see their prison sentences expire or have them escape and commit more dangerous crimes. This was particularly true in the case of notorious gangster John Dillinger. In the early 1930s, Dillinger and his gang robbed several banks, plundered police arsenals, killed a police detective in Chicago, and fled the county jail in Crown Point, Indiana in March 1934 after being held to await trial. The FBI’s website states:

It was then that Dillinger made the mistake that would cost him his life. He stole the sheriff’s car and drove across the Indiana-Illinois line, heading for Chicago. By doing that, he violated the National Motor Vehicle Theft Act, which made it a federal offense to transport a stolen motor vehicle across a state line.

After Dillinger violated the National Motor Vehicle Theft Act, the FBI became actively involved in his capture.

Indianapolis Star, December 4, 1935, page 3. Courtesy Newspapers.com.

Both the National Motor Vehicle Theft Act and a recently passed 1934 law making the killing or assault of a United States officer a federal offense punishable by death sealed George Barrett’s fate. His trial began on December 2. According to The Tennessean, he was only the second man to be tried under the new law providing for capital punishment in the killing of a federal officer. Edward Rice, defense counsel for Barrett, argued that Barrett had been warned days before Special Agent Klein’s killing that Kentucky outlaws were after him and might pose as officers. As such, Barrett maintained that he acted in self-defense out of fear for his life. However, during his time on the witness stand, Special Agent Donald McGovern testified that Klein called out to Barrett and clearly identified himself and McGovern as federal officers.

On December 8, the Indianapolise täht reported that the jury only took fifty minutes to return with a guilty verdict. With no qualification calling for life imprisonment, Barrett was to be hanged. District Attorney Val Nolan stated “I think this is the greatest victory for law and order ever achieved in the state of Indiana.” Electrocution replaced hanging in Indiana several years earlier, but because Barrett’s sentence would be carried out under federal law, U.S. criminal code specified death by hanging.

Indianapolis Star, December 8, 1935, page 1. Courtesy Newspapers.com.

On March 18, the Indianapolise uudised noted that George “Phil” Hanna, an expert hangman, would lead the execution. Known as the “Humane Hangman,” Hanna had participated in close to seventy previous hangings in an interest to see them done correctly, without additional pain or suffering to the condemned. Barrett hanged at 12:02 am on March 24, 1936 in the Marion County jail yard, and was pronounced dead ten minutes later. Despite the late hour, fifty people reportedly traveled to the jail yard to witness the hanging.

Nelson B. Klein gravestone. Courtesy Find a Grave.


1. Destruction of his personal files became a priority upon his death in 1972

J. Edgar Hoover died at his home on the night of May 1-2, 1972 his body discovered the next morning by his chauffeur. Within minutes, his longtime companion, Clyde Tolson, was informed of the FBI director&rsquos death, and the order to destroy his personal files was received by Helen Gandy, his personal secretary for over 54 years. In truth, Gandy had been in the process of categorizing and destroying Hoover&rsquos personal files for weeks, if not months, and the death of the director added a sense of urgency to the process. The morning of Hoover&rsquos death, FBI officials led by L. Patrick Gray &ndash named by President Nixon to succeed Hoover &ndash attempted to take control of the files, an effort which had already been subverted by Gandy. Gray, either deliberately or accidentally, aided in the personal files being removed by sealing Hoover&rsquos private office, as he had been directed by the President of the United States. But Hoover&rsquos personal files had not been stored in his inner sanctum.

While Hoover&rsquos office sat under official seal, the outer office, where the files had been stored and maintained by Gandy, remained under her control and unsupervised access. Nixon was informed that Hoover&rsquos office and files were sealed, while Gandy went about the task of ensuring that the most damaging of Hoover&rsquos personal collection of files was removed, according to some. By May 4th, Gandy had turned over several boxes of files, which contained information personally damaging to different individuals, to Mark Felt (later revealed to be the fabled Deep Throat of Watergate). These were wrongly assumed by many to be Hoover&rsquos personal files. In fact, they were not, and the files Hoover had assembled over so many years with exacting diligence remained under the supervision of Gandy. Their presence suspected by many, but with the diversion provided by the documents handed over to Felt, they were not strictly pursued.


Vaata videot: Джон Эдгар Гувер Большой брат Америки 1996 (Juuni 2022).


Kommentaarid:

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