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Londoni maakonnanõukogu

Londoni maakonnanõukogu


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Londoni maakonnanõukogu (LCC) loodi 1889. aastal 1888. aasta kohaliku omavalitsuse seaduse tulemusena. LCC oli esimene ülelinnaline kohaliku omavalitsuse vorm. Valimised toimusid jaanuaris 1889 ja Progressiivne Partei võitis 118 kohast seitsekümmend. Uus nõukogu kogunes Rosebery krahvi juhatusel. Valitseva rühma liikmete hulka kuulusid Sidney Webb (kellest sai tehniliste juhendite komitee esimees), Will Crooks (avaliku kontrolli komitee esimees), John Benn, John Burns ja Ben Tillett. Radikaalsete liikmete mõjul võttis LCC juhtiva rolli koolireformis ja linnaplaneerimises.


Lühidalt-20. sajandi alguse London

County Hall, Londoni maakonna nõukogu kontorid, avati 1922. aastal Westminsteri silla lõunaküljel. Sel ajal oli see pooleli, seega puudus sellel fotol sümmeetria. See ehitati varasemate Metropolitan Board of Works kontorite ning erinevate sadamate ja tehaste kohale. See oli Londoni kohaliku valitsuse peakorter kuni 1986.

Londoni maakonnanõukogu pommikahjude kaardid

Londoni maavolikogu arhitektide osakond (LCC) kasutas pommikahjukaarte põhjalikult, kasutades värviklahve, et näidata hoone haaval pommikahjustusi Londonis Teise maailmasõja ajal. See on kõige üksikasjalikum registreering kapitali ja rsquose ehitatud keskkonnale õhupommitamisest põhjustatud kahjude kohta. See ikooniline ja mitmekihiline allikas Londoni ja rsquose sõjakogemuste ja nende tagajärgede kohta annab edasi keerulisi uuringuandmeid Leake & rsquos Suure tulekaardi, Milne & rsquose maakasutuse kaardi, Mylne & rsquose geoloogiliste kaartide ja Booth & rsquose vaesuse kaartide traditsioonide kohaselt.

Neid kaarte kasutavad sageli arhitektid, maamõõtjad, linnaplaneerijad ning kohalikud ja perekonnaajaloolased, kes otsivad teavet Londoni piirkonna 117 ruutmiili suuruse kinnisvaraga kaasneva kahju täpse ulatuse kohta aastatel 1940–1945. LCC tohutuid jõupingutusi ja ettekujutusi, et teenida Londonit ja londonlasi nende vajaduste ja tundide ajal. Patrick Abercrombie ja John Henry Forshaw kasutasid Londoni krahvkonna plaani (1943) ja Suur-Londoni plaani (1944) koostamisel pealinna taastamiseks sõjajärgsel perioodil, kaardid on sõjajärgse uurimuse võtmeallikas linnaplaneerimine Londonis ja Ühendkuningriigis.

Pommikahjude kaardid on kantud UNESCO Ühendkuningriigi mälu maailma registrisse.

Pommikahjude kaardid on LMA -s saadaval värviliste faksikoopiate või digitaalsete koopiatena meie & lsquoMetropolis & rsquo rakenduse suurendamine meie Mediatheque piirkonnas.


Londoni maakonnanõukogu - ajalugu

London on maailm ise ja selle rekordid hõlmavad maailma ajalugu. (Garwood viii)

Sissejuhatus

Londoni slummide päritolu pärineb kaheksateistkümnenda sajandi keskpaigast, mil Londoni elanikkond või William Cobbetti nimetus & ldquoGreat Wen ja rdquo hakkasid enneolematult kiiresti kasvama. Üheksateistkümnenda sajandi viimasel kümnendil kasvas Londoni elanike arv nelja miljonini, mis suurendas nõudlust odavate eluasemete järele. Londoni slummid tekkisid esialgu rahvastiku kiire kasvu ja industrialiseerimise tagajärjel. Nad said kurikuulsaks ülerahvastatuse, antisanitaarsete ja viletsate elutingimuste poolest. Enamik heal järjel olevaid viktoriaanlasi olid võhiklikud või teesklesid, et nad ei tea alandavat slummielu, ja paljud, kes sellest kuulsid, uskusid, et slummid on laiskuse, patu ja alamklasside pahe tulemus. Kuid mitmed sotsiaalselt teadlikud kirjanikud, ühiskonnauurijad, moraalireformijad, jutlustajad ja ajakirjanikud, kes otsisid sellele linnahaigusele lahendust 19. sajandi teisel poolel, väitsid veenvalt, et slummide kasvu põhjustasid vaesus, töötus, sotsiaalne tõrjutus ja kodutus.

Ida -Londoni slummid

Kaks Phil May kujutist East Endi elust: East End Loafers ja A Street-Row East Endis.

Kõige kurikuulsamad slummipiirkonnad asusid Ida -Londonis, mida sageli nimetati "pimedaimaks Londoniks", auväärsete kodanike jaoks terra incognita. Kuid slummid eksisteerisid ka mujal Londonis, nt. Giles ja Clerkenwell Londoni kesklinnas, Devil's Acre Westminsteri kloostri lähedal, Jacobi saar Bermondseys, Thamesi jõe lõunakaldal, Mint Mint Southwarkis ja Pottery Lane Notting Hillis.

Victoria ajastu viimastel aastakümnetel elasid Ida -Londonis peamiselt töölisklassid, kuhu kuulusid inglise põliselanikud, iiri immigrandid, kellest paljud elasid äärmises vaesuses, ning sisserändajad Kesk- ja Ida -Euroopast, enamasti vaesed vene, poola ja Saksa juudid, kes leidsid hulgaliselt peavarju Whitechapelis ja sellega piirnevates piirkondades St. George's-in-the-East ja Mile End.

Whitechapel

Joseph Pennelli kaks vaadet Whitechapelile: East Endi tehas ja Whitechapeli kauplused.

Whitechapel oli Victoria -aegse East Endi keskus. Seitsmeteistkümnenda sajandi lõpuks oli see suhteliselt jõukas piirkond. Kuid mõned selle piirkonnad hakkasid kaheksateistkümnenda sajandi keskel halvenema ning üheksateistkümnenda sajandi teisel poolel muutusid need ülerahvastatuks ja nakatusid kuritegevusega.

Whitechapel 1849. aasta illustreeritud Londoni uudistest.

Paljud vaesed pered elasid ühetoalistes tubades ilma sanitaar- ja korraliku ventilatsioonita. Samuti oli üle 200 ühise öömaja, mis pakkusid ööseks peavarju umbes 8000 kodutule ja vaesele inimesele. Ühiskonnauurija ja kirjanik Margaret Harkness rentis Whitechapelis toa, et teha otseseid vaatlusi halvenenud slummide elust. Ta kirjeldas South Grove'i töömaja oma slummiromaanis In Darkest London:

Whitechapeli liit on näidistöökoda, mis tähendab, et see on kivist ja tellistest kehastunud vaene seadus. Mehed ei tohi seal suitsetada, isegi mitte siis, kui nad on oma doosides, ei maitse noored naised kunagi teed ja vanad ei pruugi pikkade pärastlõunade ajal tassi endale lubada, alles kell pool kuus hommikul. ja öösel, kui nad saavad väikese hunniku leiba, mille pinnale on kraabitud või, ja kruusi seda jooki, mis on nii nende südamele kui ka kõhule nii kallis. Noored ei lähe kunagi välja, ei näe külastajaid ja vanad saavad ainult ühe puhkuse kuus. Siis võidakse vanemaid nälgijaid Bastiilia uste taga uhkeldada nagu lambanahka, samal ajal kui nad oma sõpradele ja suhetele jaburdavad. Hommikuti ja õhtuti veidi räpane liha, kaks korda nädalas liha, see on täiskasvanud inimeste toit, maitsestatud raske töö ja vangladistsipliiniga. Kahtlemata ei paku see Bastiilia jõudeolevatele ja ebatäiuslikele harjumustele lisatasu, kuid mida me ütleme ebaõnnestunud naise või mehe kohta, kes peab sinna tulema või tänaval surema? Miks peaks vanu inimesi nende olemasolu eest karistama? [143]

Whitechapel oli mõrvade toimumiskoht, kus 1880. aastate lõpus pani mitu naist toime anonüümne sarimõrvar, nimega Ripper Jack, kes elas tõenäoliselt Floweri ja Dean Streeti ümbruses. Riiklik ajakirjandus, mis teatas väga üksikasjalikult Whitechapeli mõrvadest, paljastas lugevale avalikkusele ka Ida -Londoni slummide elanike kohutava puuduse ja kohutava vaesuse. Selle tulemusel püüdis Londoni maakonnanõukogu kõige hullematest slummidest vabaneda, tutvustades mitmeid slummide likvideerimisprogramme, kuid üheksateistkümnenda sajandi lõpuks viidi ellu vaeste eluasemekavasid. Jack London, kes uuris 1902. aastal kuus nädalat Whitechapeli vaeste elutingimusi, hämmastas Whitechapeli agulite viletsust ja ülerahvastatust. Ta kirjutas raamatu selle viletsatest elanikest ja andis sellele pealkirja Kuristiku rahvas.

Spitalfields

Spitalfields, mis sai nime pidalitõbiste eest St. Mary's Spittelilt (haigla), olid kunagi asustanud jõukad prantsuse hugenottide siidist kudujad, kuid 19. sajandi alguses langes nende järeltulijad kahetsusväärsesse olukorda Manchesteri tekstiili konkurentsi tõttu. tehased ja piirkond hakkasid kurnama kuritegelikuks slummiks. Avarad ja nägusad hugenottide majad jagunesid väikesteks eluruumideks, mida rentisid vaesed tööliste pered, kes otsisid tööd lähedal asuvatest dokkidest.

Kolm Leonard Raven-Hilli kujutist East Endi elust: nurk Petticoat Lane'is, The Hooligans ja A 'Schnorrer' (kerjus) getost ".

Üheksateistkümnenda sajandi teisel poolel sai Spitalfields koduks Hollandi ja Saksa juutidele ning hiljem ka vaestele Poola ja Vene juudi immigrantidele. Spitalfieldsi läbiva Brick Lane'i asustasid 1880ndatel peamiselt Ida -Euroopast pärit õigeusklikud juudi immigrandid. 1890. aastate alguseks oli Spitalfieldsis ja naaberaladel avatud mitmeid shulle (sünagooge) ja chevrots (väikesed palvekohad). Juutide ajutine varjupaik loodi 1886. aastal Lemani tänaval Ida -Euroopast Londonisse saabuvatele uutele sisserändajatele.

Spitalfields tegutsesid XIX sajandi teisel poolel paljud heategevuslikud institutsioonid. 1860. aastal oli Fr. Daniel Gilbert ja halastajaõed avasid Providence Rowis öömaja vaestele naistele ja lastele. Ameerika pankur ja filantroop George Peabody lõi sihtasutuse, mis ehitas 1864. aastal esimesed parendatud eluruumid Londoni vaestele ja töötavatele vaestele ning rdquo äritänavale. Kuid kõik need ettevõtmised ei olnud vaeste elutingimuste parandamiseks piisavad. . Arthur Morrison kirjeldas The Palace Journalis Brick Lane'i slumme ja nende ümbrust pimeduse kohtadena, kus elasid & ldquohumanlikud kahjurid & rdquo:

Must ja lärmakas, tee limaga kleepuv ja halvatud majad, korstnast keldrisse mädanenud, kalduvad kokku, ilmselt nende juurdunud korruptsiooni ühtsuse tõttu. Mööduvad ja ületavad tumedad, vaiksed ja rahutud varjud - inimlikud kahjurid selles haisevas kraanikausis, nagu koobaste väljahingamine kõigest ümbritsevast. Naised, kellel on vajunud, musta äärega silmad, kelle kahvatu nägu ilmub ja kaob aeg-ajalt gaasilambi valguses, ja näevad välja nii halvasti kaetud koljudega, et hakkame nende pilguga pihta. [1023]

Bethnal Green

Bethnal Green oli väiketootmise ja räsitud tööliskorterite koht. Kohalikuks suureks tööandjaks oli Allen & Hanbury, üks East Endi suurimaid tehaseid, mis tootis ravimeid ja meditsiinikaupu. Üheksateistkümnenda sajandi viimase kolme aastakümne jooksul sai sellest äärmise vaesuse ja ülerahvastatud slummide piirkond. Aastal 1884 asutas Oxfordi ülikooli Keble College Oxfordi maja asula Bethnal Greenis osana oma heategevuslikust tegevusest, mis seisnes religioosse, sotsiaalse ja haridusalase töö pakkumises ning tervisliku puhkuse pakkumises Ida -Londoni vaeste seas. Asulas asus poiste klubi, jõusaal ja raamatukogu. Töölisklassi elanikud said kuulata loenguid, piiblilugemisi ja kontserte. Oxfordi maja elanikud olid ühiskonnateadlikud kõrgemate klasside liikmed, kes soovisid tutvuda vaeste kurbade elutingimustega ja samal ajal luua paremaid klassidevahelisi suhteid, mis põhineksid kristlikul vendlusel ja heatahtlikkusel.

Vana Nichol

Old Nicholit, mis asub High Streeti, Shoreditchi ja Bethnal Greeni vahel, peeti East Endi halvimaks slummiks. See koosnes 20 kitsast tänavast, mis sisaldasid 730 lagunenud ridaelamut, kus elas umbes 6000 inimest. Londoni maakonnanõukogu (LCC) otsustas 1890. aastatel Old Nicholi slummid likvideerida ja selle asemele ehitati veidi enne 1900. aastat Suurbritannia esimene volikogu elamuehitus, mida kutsuti Boundary Estate'iks. Vana Nicholi kahetsusväärsed tingimused jäädvustati Arthur Morrisoni oma slummiromaanis "Jago laps".

Slumming

Hilises viktoriaanlikus ajastu sai Londoni East Endist populaarseks slummingute sihtkohaks - uueks nähtuseks, mis tekkis 1880ndatel enneolematult. Mõne jaoks oli slummimine omapärane turismivorm, mida ajendas uudishimu, põnevus ja põnevus, teisi ajendasid moraalsed, religioossed ja altruistlikud põhjused. Slummide elanike majanduslik, sotsiaalne ja kultuuriline puudus äratas 19. sajandi teisel poolel tähelepanu kesk- ja kõrgema klassi erinevate rühmade, sealhulgas heategevuslaste, religioossete misjonäride, heategevuslike töötajate, sotsiaaluurijate, kirjanike ja ka teiste hulgas. rikkad inimesed, kes otsivad lugupidamatut meelelahutust. Juba 1884. aastal avaldas The New York Times artikli slummingust, mis levis Londonist New Yorki.

Londonis algas slummimine […] uudishimuga vaatamisväärsuste vaatamiseks ja kui sai moes käia, hakkasid daamid ja härrad kandma ühiseid riideid ning minema maanteedele ja kõrvalteedele, et näha inimesi, kellest nad olid kuulnud. , kuid kellest nad olid nii võhiklikud, nagu oleksid nad võõra riigi elanikud. [14. september 1884]

1880. ja 1890. aastatel tegeles heategevuse ja sotsiaaltööga, eriti East Endi slummides, suur hulk kesk- ja kõrgema klassi naisi ja mehi. Riiklik ajakirjandus kajastas slummidest laialt šokeerivaid ja sensatsioonilisi uudiseid. Ärevust ja uudishimu slummide vastu võis kuulda paljudes avalikes aruteludes sel määral, et nagu Seth Koven kirjutab:

1890. aastateks ei suunanud Londoni teeraamatud, nagu Baedeker, mitte ainult külastajaid kauplustesse, mälestusmärkidesse ja kirikutesse, vaid kaardistasid ka ekskursioone maailmakuulsatesse heategevusasutustesse, mis asuvad kurikuulsates slummipiirkondades, nagu Whitechapel ja Shoreditch. [1]

Tegelikult oli suure hulga Viktoria ajast pärit härrade ja daamide jaoks slummimine ebaseadusliku linnaturismi vorm. Nad külastasid East Endi enim puudustkannatavaid tänavaid, püüdes toime tulla „süüdlaste naudingutega”, mis olid seotud ebamoraalsete slummielanikega. Kõrgema klassi slummid veetsid mõnikord maskeerituna ühe öö või rohkemgi vaestes pansionaatides, püüdes kogeda alamklassi liikmetega tabu-lähedust. Nende klassidevaheline seksuaalne osadus aitas kaasa klassitõkete vähenemisele ja sooliste suhete ümberkujundamisele XIX sajandi vahetusel.

Lummeldamine ei piirdunud aga ainult veidra lõbustamisega. Viktoriaanliku ajastu kahel viimasel kümnendil külastas East Endi slumme sageli külastamas üha rohkem misjonäre, sotsiaalabi töötajaid ja uurijaid, poliitikuid, ajakirjanikke ja ilukirjanikke, samuti keskklassi tegijaid ja filantroope. kuidas vaesed elasid. Mitmed härrad ja prouad slummerid otsustasid asuda East Endisse ajutiseks elukohaks, et koguda andmeid vaesuse ja puuduse olemuse ja ulatuse kohta. Mõned slummid olid maskeeritud alamklassi lohistesse, et astuda üle klassipiiridest ja seguneda vabalt slummide vaesuses elanikega. Kirjalikud või suulised ülevaated nende esmakordsetest tähelepanekutest tekitasid avaliku südametunnistuse ja motivatsiooni pakkuda slummide heaoluprogramme ning tõid kaasa poliitilised nõudmised slummireformile.

Üheksateistkümnenda sajandi viimasel kahel aastakümnel oli Suurbritannias vaesuse põhjuste ja ulatuse avalik uurimine. Mõned silmapaistvamad hilis -viktoriaanlikud slummid olid Hesse printsess Alice, kuninganna Victoria lord Salisbury kolmas laps ja tema pojad William ja Hugh, kes elasid ajutiselt Oxfordi majas, Bethnal Green William Gladstone ja tema tütar Helen, kes elas Lõuna -Londoni slummides naisteülikooli asunduse juhina. (Koven 10) Isegi kuninganna Victoria külastas East Endi, et avada 1887. aastal Mile End Roadil asuv rahvapalee.

Heatahtlikud kesk- ja kõrgema klassi naised läksid slummidele erinevatel eesmärkidel. Nad töötasid vabatahtlikult koguduste heategevusorganisatsioonides, töötasid õdena ja õpetajatena ning mõned neist viisid läbi sotsioloogilisi uuringuid. Sellised naised nagu Annie Besant, leedi Constance Battersea, Helen Bosanquet, Clara Collet, Emma Cons, Octavia Hill, Margaret Harkness, Beatrice Potter (Webb) ja Ella Pycroft uurisid mõningaid Londoni kuulsamaid rookeries ja nende tunnistajate aruanded muutusid järk-järgult avalik arvamus vaesuse ja vaesuse põhjuste kohta. Üheksateistkümnenda sajandi vahetuseks olid tuhanded mehed ja naised tegelenud Londoni slummides sotsiaaltöö ja heategevusega.

Slummide uurimise kirjandus

Üheksateistkümnenda sajandi teisel poolel köitsid Londoni slummid ajakirjanike ja ühiskonnateadlaste tähelepanu, kirjeldades neid äärmise vaesuse, degradeerumise, kuritegevuse ja vägivalla piirkondadena ning kutsusid üles viivitamatult avalikke meetmeid elu- ja sanitaartingimuste parandamiseks. töölisklassid. & ldquoSlumeid ei peetud enam iseenesest haiguseks ja neid hakati järk -järgult käsitlema palju suurema sotsiaalse haiguse sümptomina. Mõned neist aitasid ette valmistada järgnevat slummireformi ja likvideerida seadusandlust.

Suurest hulgast Londoni slummidega tegelevatest väljaannetest tuleks mainida Hector Gavini raamatut „Sanitary Ramblings: Being Sketches and Illustrations of Bethnal Green” (1848), Henry Mayhew’i „London Labour” ja „London Poor” (1851), John Garwoodi raamatut „The Million- People City (1853), John Hollingheadi räsitud London (1861), J. Ewing Ritchie Londoni öökülg (1861), James Greenwoodi Londoni seitse needust (1869) ja Londoni metsikud (1874), Adolphe Smithi tänavaelu Londonis (1877), Andrew Mearnsi "The Bitter Cry of Outcast London" (1883), George Sims "How the Poor Live" (1883), Henry King's Savage London (1888), Walter Besanti Ida -London (1899), Charles Boothi ​​monumentaalne aruanne , Londoni inimeste elu ja töö (17 köidet, 1889–1903) ja BS Rowntree vaesus: linnaelu uurimus (1901). Kõik need aruanded on väärtuslikud sotsiaaldokumendid, mis pakuvad taustteavet hilise viktoriaanliku Londoni kahetsusväärsete slummitingimuste kohta. Need on elektroonilisel kujul Internetis saadaval.

Järeldus

Pole kahtlust, et hilinenud viktoriaanlikud slummid olid riigi kiire industrialiseerimise ja linnastumise tagajärg, mis tõi kaasa dramaatilisema ruumilise eraldatuse rikaste ja vaeste vahel, mida nimetatakse kahe riigi lõheks ning millel on võrreldamatult erinevad eluviisid ja eluviisid standarditele. Slumming, mis muutus slummikultuuri süvenemise viisiks, aitas kaasa üldsuse teadlikkuse arendamisele, et slummide tingimused ei ole ettehooldavad ja hälbivad, vaid pigem majanduse ja olude all ning neid saab parandada piisava majandusliku, sotsiaalse ja kultuurilise poliitika.

Seotud materjal

Viited ja täiendav lugemine

Ackroyd, Peeter. London: elulugu. London: Vintage: London, 2001.

Chadwick, Edwin. Aruanne Suurbritannia töötava elanikkonna sanitaarseisundi kohta. 1842. Toim. & Sissejuhatus M. W. Flinn. Edinburgh: University Press, 1965.

Chesney, Kellow. Antiühiskond: Victoria-aegse allilma ülevaade. Boston: Gambit, 1970.

Cobbett, William. Maasõidud. London: avaldanud William Cobbett, 1830.

Dyos, H. J. ja D. A. Reeder. & ldquoSlums and Suburbs, & rdquo The Victoria City, toim. H. J. Dyos ja M. Wolff, 1: 359-86. London: Routledge ja Kegan Paul, 1973. ___. & ldquo Viktoriaanliku Londoni slummid ja rdquo Victorian Studies, 11, 1 (1967) 5-40.

Koven, Seth. Slumming: seksuaalne ja sotsiaalpoliitika Viktoriaanlikus Londonis. Princetoni ülikooli kirjastus, 2004.

Gordon, Michael R. Alias ​​Jack Ripper: väljaspool tavapäraseid Whitechapeli kahtlusaluseid. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2001.

Garwood, John. Miljonirahvaline linn või pool Londoni elanikest sai teisele poolele teada. . London: Wertheim ja Macintosh, 1853.

Haggard, Robert F. Viktoriaanliku liberalismi püsivus: Suurbritannia sotsiaalsete reformide poliitika, 1870-1900. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 2001.

Harkness, Margaret. Pimedamas Londonis. Cambridge: Black Apollo Press, 2003.

Kellow Chesney, Viktoriaanlik allilm. Harmonsworth: Pingviin, 1970.

Lees, L. H. Erini pagulused: iiri rändajad viktoriaanlikus Londonis. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1979.

London, Jack. Kuristiku inimesed: London: romaanid ja sotsiaalsed kirjutised. New York: The Library of America, 1982, saadaval ka projektist Gutenberg.

Mayhew, Henry. London Labor ja London Poor. 4 kd. 1861-2. Sissejuhatus John D. Rosenberg. New York: Doveri väljaanded, 1968.

Morrison, Arthur. & ldquoWhitechapel, & rdquo The Palace Journal, 24. aprill 1889, saadaval ka aadressil: http://www.library.qmul.ac.uk/sites.

Olsen, Donald J. Viktoriaanliku Londoni kasv. New York: Holmes & Meier 1976.

Porter, Roy. London: sotsiaalne ajalugu. Harvard: Harvardi ülikooli kirjastus, 1998.

Ross, Ellen, toim. Slummireisijad: daamid ja Londoni vaesus, 1860–1920. Berkeley, CA: California ülikooli press, 2007.

Ross, Ellen. & Ldquo Slum Journeys: Daamid ja Londoni vaesus 1860-1940, & rdquo in: Alan Mayne ja Tim Murray, toim. Linnamaastike arheoloogia: uurimused Slumlandis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Šotimaa, Nigel. Squires slummides: asundused ja missioonid hilises viktoriaanlikus Suurbritannias. London. I.B. Tauris & Co., 2007.

Stedman Jones, G. Outcast London: Uuring klassidevaheliste suhete kohta Victoria ühiskonnas. Oxford: Peregrine Penguin Edition, 1984. & ldquoSlumming In This Town. Moodne Londoni maania jõuab New Yorki. Slumming peod on raev sellel talvel, ja rdquo The New York Times, 14. september 1884.

Wohl, Anthony S. Igavene slumm: eluase ja sotsiaalpoliitika Victoria -aegses Londonis. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2009.

___. Ohustatud elud: rahvatervis Victoria -aegses Suurbritannias. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard UP, 1983.

Yellling, J. A. Slums and Slum Clearance in Victoria Victoria London. London: Allen & Unwin, 1986.


London In Pictures – Londoni maakonnakogu 1937. aasta juhend

Londoni maakonnanõukogu (LCC) koos suurlinnapiirkondadega muutis Londoni.

LCC vastutas laia teenustevaliku koordineerimise ja pakkumise eest kogu Londonis, näiteks nõukogu suurendamine eluaseme, hariduse, meditsiiniteenuste, parkide ja aedade, infrastruktuuri ja tarbijateenuste osas. LCC koos selliste ametiasutustega nagu Metropolitan Water Board, Londoni reisijateveoamet, Londoni tuletõrje ja Metropolitan Borough Council muutsid Londoni 19. sajandi linnast linnaks, mida me täna tunneme.

Londoni maakonnanõukogu koostas märkimisväärse hulga trükiseid peaaegu kõigi suurlinna juhtimise ja korraldamise aspektide kohta, mida võite ette kujutada. Nendes väljaannetes on ühine teema ja suur uhkus linna ja teenuste üle, mida LCC Londonlastele osutas.

Suur osa sellest võib 21. sajandi vaatevinklist kummaline tunduda – liiga pealetükkiv, liiga organiseeriv, liiga palju “ autoriteet teab kõige paremini ”. Kuid kokkuhoiu, volikogu teenuste järsu vähendamise, raamatukogude sulgemise, NHSi, politsei ja hariduse rahastamisprobleemide tõttu võib minevik tunduda petlikult atraktiivne, kuid süveneda ja võrdlused pole kunagi lihtsad.

Olen aastate jooksul kogunud laia valikut LCC trükiseid, need annavad märkimisväärse ülevaate linna arengust alates LCC moodustamisest 1889. aastal kuni üleminekuni Suur -Londoni nõukogusse 1965. aastal.

Selle nädala postituste jaoks soovin avaldada väljaande, mis annab ülevaate kõigist LCC ja teiste Londoni ametivõimude pakutavatest teenustest. Lühiülevaade ühel konkreetsel aastal ja#8211 1937.

See on London In Pictures – Municipal London Illustrated.

London pildis on juhendraamat, kuid teatmik, mille erinevust kirjeldab raamat:

“Aastal ilmub palju Londoni teeraamatuid ja palju pildiraamatuid, mis illustreerivad Londoni tänavate ja tänavapiltide ning arhitektuurilise ja ajaloolise tähtsusega hoonete välimust. Ükski neist väljaannetest ei pööra Londoni omavalitsuste huvidele, isegi kui seda üldse teatatakse, piisavat tähelepanu.

Teatmik oli suunatud Londoni külastajatele ja neile, kes puhkavad Londonis, ning eesotsas selgitatakse, et kui külastaja saab aru linna valitsusest ja sellest, kuidas London kohalikke tegevusi osutab, saavad nad need teadmised tagasi võtta. aidata lahendada probleeme oma linnas. Võimalik, et lugejaskond on väga piiratud, kuid jällegi näitab see LCC ja#8217 uhkust Londoni haldamise ja linnaelanikele osutatavate teenuste üle.

Raamat on jagatud osadeks, mis keskenduvad LCC -teenuste konkreetsele aspektile, nii et alustame nõukogu ehitatud hoonetega.

1937. aastal kuulus LCC -le üle Londoni umbes 25 000 korterit. Need asusid tavaliselt kortermajade ühise kujundusega kinnistutes, kuid paljud kujundused olid ainulaadsed ja näevad tänapäevalgi head välja.

Üks neist oli Oaklandsi mõis Claphamis. See kinnistu hõivas umbes 3 aakrit ja pakkus 185 eluruumi, kokku 582 tuba. Kinnisvara ehitati aastatel 1935–1936 ja järgmine foto on Eastmani majast Oaklandsi mõisas.

Clapham Park Estate on traditsioonilisem Londoni maakonnanõukogu disain. See on vaade Lycetti ja puuvillamajade vahel kinnistule, mis ehitati aastatel 1930–1936, ja kogu kinnistu koosnes 759 eluruumist.

LCC töötas välja ka nõukogu suvilamõisad. Need valdused koosnesid majadest ja väiksematest korteritest, pakkudes madala kõrgusega välimust ja vähendades asustustihedust. See on Old Oak Estate ja#8211 kinnisvara, mis asub Westway (A40 tee) ja koirohu võsastike vahel.

1937. aastal koosnes Vana Tamme mõis 1055 majast ja korterist.

Mottinghami mõis hõivas umbes 202 aakrit maad Chislehurstis ja Sidcupis. Aastal 1937 koosnes kinnisvara 2356 majast ja korterist, mille edasist kasvu kavandas kino, kaupluste, koolide ja kiriku jaoks mõeldud ruumi reserveerimine ning 25,5 aakri suurune avatud ruum.

Londonlased vajasid ka haridust ja Londoni maakonna nõukogu kavandas uued suurte akendega koolimajad loomuliku valgustuse jaoks, kogunemissaalid, võimla, raamatukogud ja ruumid, mis on mõeldud konkreetsetele ainetele, nagu loodusõpetus ja kunst. Raamat rõhutab, et LCC koolid olid varustatud sooja veega (see tähendab, et varasematel koolidel see funktsioon puudus).

See on King ’s Park School Elthamis. Kahekorruselise kvartali vanem kool ühekorruselise väikelastekooliga paremal.

Lisaks haridusele oli oluline ka tervishoid ja 1937. aastal oli NHS veel kauge unistus. 1930. aastal võttis LCC vastutuse haiglate eest, mida kontrollisid hoolekogu ja Metropolitan Asylums Board. See võimaldas nõukogul alustada terviseteenuste moderniseerimise ja standardimise programmi üle linna ning 1937. aastal oli seal 43 üldhaiglat ja 31 erihaiglat, mida kontrollis LCC.

See on 1936. aastal Kensingtonis St. Mary Abbotsi haiglas valminud operatsioonisaal ja röntgeniaparaat.

Nagu uute koolide puhul, olid ka LCC projekteeritud haiglatel suured aknad, et maksimeerida loomulikku valgustust ja usk värske õhu tähtsusse taastumise hõlbustamiseks. See on St. Olave ’s haigla päikeserõdu:

Üks Londoni maakonnanõukogu osakondadest oli üsna 1984. aasta orwelllane nimega “Avaliku kontrolli osakond ”.

Sellel osakonnal oli lai valik teenuseid, mis tänapäeval kuuluvad selliste osakondade hulka nagu kauplemisstandardid.

Avaliku kontrolli osakond vastutas selliste teenuste eest nagu kaalud ja mõõtmised, gaasimõõturite testimine, bensiini kontrollimine ja ladustamine, tööbüroode ja massaažiasutuste litsentsimine, kaupluste seaduse haldamine, loomade haigused, väetiste ja loomasööda müük. ja teatritöötajate registreerimine.

Järgmised kolm fotot raamatust näitavad avaliku kontrolli osakonna tegevuste liike. Esimene on kaalusilla testimine:

Söekoti kaalu mõõtmine, et tagada selle sisu vastavus ettenähtud ja kaalu eest laetud:

Kaalude ja mõõtude kontrollimine poes:

Londoni maakonnanõukogust sai 1904. aastal Londoni kohalik haridusasutus ja tema ülesandeks oli:

  • Oma eelkäijate, Londoni Koolivalitsuse ja Tehnilise Hariduse Ameti tegevuse koordineerimiseks
  • Paigutada vabatahtlike organite pakutavad algkoolid ülalpidamise osas samadele alustele kui nõukogu ise;
  • Luua stipendiumiskeemiga algkoolidega seotud keskkoolide süsteem,
  • Ümberkorraldamaks endised ‘öökoolid ja#8217 terviklikuks täiendusõppe süsteemiks,
  • Tehnilise, äri- ja kunstihariduse laiendamiseks,
  • Luua koolide meditsiinilise kontrolli ja ravi süsteem ning erikoolid füüsiliste ja vaimsete puudustega lastele.

1937. aastal vastutas LCC ligi 800 000 õpilase eest. 512 000 alla 14 -aastast, 125 000 vanuses 14–18 ja veel 163 000 täiskasvanuhariduses.

Nooremate poiste ja tüdrukute iga -aastane sündimise näidend:

Keskhommikune piim nooremas koolis:

Praktilised tööd ja#8211 kodused teemad:

Elamukoolid laagris:

Londoni maakonnanõukogu hõlmatud haridusvaldkond hõlmas koolitusi, mis keskendusid konkreetsetele ainetele ja oskustele. Need kolledžid hõlmasid õpetajakoolituskoole ja alloleval fotol linnukasvatust:

Õpetajakoolitus:

Londoni maakonnanõukogu vastutas ka Londoni peamiste drenaažiteenuste eest, mis 1937. aastal tähendas 5,5 miljoni inimese vajaduste rahuldamist.

Peamised puhastustööd toimusid Becktonis, mis tegeles 280 miljoni galloni reoveega päevas, heitveed juhiti jõkke ja 2 miljonit tonni tahkist aastas heideti merele neljalaevastiku, imelise nimega &#. 8220mudalaevad ”.

See vaade on osa Becktoni 7, 5 miili õhutuskanalitest:

Näide tunnelitest, millega transporditi reovett puhastamiseks ja#8211 10 jala ja 11,5 jala läbimõõduga kanalisatsiooni:

Laia infrastruktuuriteenuste hulka, mille eest LCC vastutas, kuulusid parvlaevad, tunnelid ja muulid, sealhulgas Rotherhithe tunnel:

Ja Woolwichi parvlaev, mis 1937. aastal vedas 4000 sõidukit ja 7000 jalakäijat igapäevaselt nädalapäevade kella kuue ja südaöö vahel.

Algselt olid tuletõrjeteenuseid kogu Londonis üles ehitanud eraettevõtted, näiteks kindlustusseltsid, kuid 1860. aastateks kasvasid teenuse osutamise kulud ja kindlustusseltsid palusid valitsusel teenuse üle võtta.

See saavutati 1865. aasta Metropolitan Fire Brigade Actiga, mis koondas üksikud teenused üheks Londoni tuletõrjeks.

1889. aastal võttis Londoni maakonnanõukogu üle Metropolitani tuletõrje ja 1904. aastal muudeti nimi Londoni tuletõrjeks.

1937. aastal oli Londoni tuletõrjeüksuse uus peakorterihoone ja tuletõrjejaam Alberti muldkehal alles valmis. The fire services moved from this building a few years ago, and it is currently being redeveloped, however it will retain a link with the fire service as the London Fire Brigade museum is planned to return to a new and upgraded facility within the building.

In 1937, the London Fire Brigade were equipped with a range of leading edge appliances, including a Hose Lorry:

The London Docks were a high fire risk, due to the dense storage of large amounts of inflammable materials, with probably a lack of attention to fire prevention measures. The following photo from the book shows a typical fire that the London Fire Brigade had to deal with, a large fire in July 1935 at Iceland Wharf, Old Ford.

The Municipal Hospitals of London were the responsibility of the London County Council, with 74 hospitals taken over from the Boards of Guardians and Metropolitan Asylums Board.

In 1937, these hospitals contained at total of 38,500 beds. This was before the establishment of the NHS, so treatment was not free for all. The book explains that “Admission may usually be secured on the certificate of a private doctor, without any suggestion of poor law ‘taint’, and except in certain circumstances, patients are required to contribute according to their means.”

The Children’s Ward at a LCC hospital:

A London County Council hospital operating theatre:

The London County Council also ran medical inspections and treatment of school children. Children would be ‘inspected’ at the ages of 7, 11 and between the ages of 13 and 14. This included dental inspections with the possibility of follow-up treatment at 74 medical and dental treatment centres across London.

Probably a nightmare for most children – school dental treatment:

The London County Council set-up the London Ambulance Service in 1915, initially to focus on street accidents. There was a separate ambulance service run by the Metropolitan Asylums Board, which was used for the transfer of patients with infectious diseases, and another service run by the Boards of Guardians. All these services came under the central control of the LLC in 1930 under the Local Government Act of 1929.

The interior of a 1930s ambulance:

Control of ambulances was from County Hall and an ambulance could be summoned by calling WATerloo 3311.

in 1937 there were 153 ambulances covering London. These were based at 6 large ambulance stations and 16 smaller stations. By comparison in the financial year 2017/18 the London Ambulance Service consisted of over 1,100 vehicles based at 70 ambulance stations and support offices across London. In the same year the service dealt with 1.9 million 999 calls – a truly extraordinary number.

If you needed an ambulance in 1937, this is the vehicle that would arrive:

Parks and Open Space were also the responsibility of the London County Council, with a total of 6,647 acres of space managed by a staff of 1,500.

The LCC provided and managed parks such as Battersea Park, as well building and managing facilities within parks, such as the open-air swimming pool at Victoria Park:

One of the responsibilities of the LCC, in the terms used in the 1937 book was the “Care of the Mentally Afflicted”. The LCC had started to change how mental health was treated with a move from the custodial approach to proper nursing care, however it was a very institutionalised approach with 20 hospitals and institutions providing treatment for 33,600 patients from a staff of 9,000.

This is Forest House, the admission and convalescent villa in Claybury Hospital:

In the same hospital, the Needleroom where “many patients can still do useful work”.

The guide-book also included the other governance authorities within London, including the City of London Corporation. This included the City markets, with this superb aerial view of the London Central Markets at Smithfield:

And a very quiet Spitalfields Market:

The other key element of London governance were the Metropolitan Borough Councils. These were formed by the 1899 London Government Act and were responsible for a number of local services such as the collection of refuse and the maintenance of streets.

In 1937, 16 out of a total of 28 borough councils were still electricity supply authorities, having their own local generation and distribution capabilities. These services would not consolidate further until after the war with the creation of the Central Electricity Generation Board and the regional distribution boards, such as the London Electricity Board.

The establishment of the Metropolitan Borough Councils resulted in the building of impressive Town Halls across London. The book includes a night view of St. Marylebone Town Hall:

Municipal Borough Councils also provided local facilities, for example, local parks and playgrounds, libraries and swimming pools.

One impressive example in 1937 was the Poplar Swimming Bath and the books show how the same building could support very different uses:

In 1937. the London docks were still major centres of trade. Containerisation and the shift of ports from inland rivers to coastal centres such as Southampton and Felixtowe was still decades in the future.

The Port of London Authority was responsible for the management of the ports and river. In 1937 the Port of London dealt with more shipping than any other UK port and over a third of UK overseas trade passed through London. In 1937, approximately 43 million tons of goods were managed through the London docks.

A ship entering the King George V Dock:

The Wine Gauging Grounds operated by the Port of London Authority:

London County Council publications are always fascinating and London in Pictures provides a really good overview of the governance of London and the breadth and depth of the services provided by the LCC.

Two years after the guide was published, the Second World War would bring devastation to the city, but would also mark one of those break points in history with, for example, the coming NHS taking over the provision and considerable expansion of health services.

The London Docks would soon start their gradual decline which would end in the closure of all central London docks. The population of London would also reverse the centuries long expansion and would go into a decline that would only start to recover in the 1980s.

Council house provision would reduce to almost nothing and “right to buy” would transfer council owned accommodation into private ownership.

The 1937 guide therefore provides a snapshot of LCC services at the end of an era.


London’s East End

The image many people have of the East End of London in Victorian times is one of being street after street of slum dwellings inhabited by Jack the Rippers, prostitutes, beggars and thieves, all in an environment of filth, smoke and destitution.

Whilst there were many pockets of slums where people tried to desperately survive and feed their family there were many areas where, although far from pleasant, honest people managed to make a living and bring up families. The East End developed into a close-knit community (or, more accurately, communities) where hardships were shared and people fought together against poverty, landlords, bosses and sometimes themselves.

The Booth poverty map of 1900 for the East End clearly shows that the slums were in pockets, with many having relatively well-to-do housing only a street away. The black and dark blue areas are the bad slums.

Even though the Booth map above may indicate the East End was not as deprived as many films and television programs make out, it was still a very dirty, smelly and crowded place with old and sub-standard housing where most people struggled day-to-day to earn a decent living. In such a crowded and competitive environment it is not surprising to find the beginnings of racism creeping in. Immigrants were perceived to be taking housing and jobs, and the Jews were the main target. By 1900 the Jewish immigrants had replaced the Huguenot weavers of the previous two centuries and become the target of some ill-placed press articles. But the Jewish immigrants had not created the slums, although they had displaced gentiles from areas around Whitechapel, as can be seen in the map below when compared with Booth’s map above.

The Jewish community were very much self-organising, with new immigrants from east Europe being looked after by the close-knit Jewish community. Their main trades of tailoring, shoe making, furniture and baking were tightly managed by a few established Jewish families.

All the workers of the East End, whether long-established in the area or a recent immigrants from the surrounding countryside or abroad, needed housing but that housing needed improving and the slums needed removing. From the 1860s the only people building new housing specifically for the working classes were a few philanthropic organisations. Some organisations did not last the course, whilst others were very successful. All the successful ones had a requirement to make a small annual profit on rents to enable further schemes to be built and existing buildings managed. The typical profit was 5% and this became known as 𔄝% philanthropy”. The main organisations were: The East End Dwelling Company Improved Industrial Dwelling Company Peabody and (from 1889) the London County Council. The inclusion of the latter may surprise many readers but the early years of the LCC is marked by programmes of improvement and beneficiary for everyone in London. No history of Victorian social housing is complete without mentioning Octavia Hill.

The philanthropist builders
Octavia Hill
Octavia was a philanthropist, but not a builder. She developed the standard method of managing working-class housing through a combination of astuteness and force of character. She was from a middle-class family and obtained funds from wealthy benefactors and then used the money to purchase existing housing that was usually in bad condition. She installed female managers who interacted with the “lady of the house” to build up a relationship with tenants such that they improved their behaviour and were rewarded with repairs and improvements to the building. Good tenants would be further rewarded with better housing and bad tenants would be evicted. She also arranged to have some new housing built (usually cottages). Octavia Hill’s influence of East End housing is fairly minimal but her legacy of tenant-management is one that needs to be re-learnt by modern authorities. For more information on this redoubtable lady go to: http://www.octaviahill.org/

The East End Dwelling Company (EEDC)
As the name suggests, this organisation operated mainly in the East End of London. They built housing from 1885 until 1906. Below is the Booth map overlaid by the location of the EEDC buildings. The tenants were typically the experienced or mature family men. Many of the buildings still stand – a testament to their quality and the on-going management of them.

Peabody Trust
Peabody is probably the most well-known of all the philanthropic housing developers. The trust built estates of blocks all over London. The map below is the location of those in the East End. The housing was aimed at the slightly better off family man who had regular income.

Improved Industrial Dwelling Company (IIDC)
This rather poorly-named organisation was founded by London printer and one-time Mayor, Sidney Waterlow. His blocks were similar to Peabody’s but generally slightly up-market from them. As a result they were a little dearer to rent than Peabody and attracted the artisan class.

Below is a map showing the location of Peabody and IIDC buildings in the East End.

The London County Council
The county of London was formed in 1889 and the Council dates from then. They took over much of the responsibilities (and staff) of the Metropolitan Board of Works (MBW). The leaders were elected and the Progressives (Liberal-aligned) ran the Council until 1907 when the Municipal Reform Party (aligned to the Conservative Party) took over. The LCC built a large amount of housing before WW1, much of it still standing.

The pre-WW1 estates in the map above are described in detail under the “London County Council” section of this website. The largest LCC estate in London was Boundary Street in Bethnal Green.

Overcrowding and racism
One of the most famous areas of the East End is around Flower & Dean Street in Whitechapel. It is highlighted in yellow in the LCC map above.

It’s fame comes from being central to the Jack the Ripper murder stories and myths, and for being the main immigrant Jewish area. It could be considered a ghetto, but that is a negative term and would be doing a considerable injustice to the residents. The Jack the Ripper story is of no concern to this article and is very well covered in many books. What is of interest to this article is the effect the Jewish immigration had on the area, and the claims of overcrowding by press and local politicians.

The Flower & Dean Street area consisted of the following buildings:
– 4% Industrial Dwellings Company: Charlotte de Rothschild Buildings, 1887 – 1974
– 4% Industrial Dwellings Company: Nathaniel Buildings, 1892 – 1974
– East End Dwellings Co.: Lolesworth Buildings, 1885-1979
– East End Dwellings Co.: Strafford Buildings, 1889-1979
– Abraham Davis: Helena, Ruth, Irene, Godfrey, Josephine & Winifred Houses, 1897 – ??
– Dolley & Abraham: Keate, Spencer & Henderson Houses, 1908 -??

The 4% Dwelling Company was Jewish owed, and Abraham Davis and Dolley & Abraham were Jewish. The East End Dwellings Company had little Jewish management or control, and nor did the LCC. This would, on the face of it, have the potential to cause problems. But this was not the case. All the housing was managed along similar lines and there was overcrowding in all the buildings and no obvious racial or social tensions between them.

The map below summarises the demographics of the buildings in the Flower & Dean Street area. The post-WW1 LCC Holland Estate has been added for interest. Things to note are the actual capacity (from the census returns) and the theoretical maximum capacity. The latter was calculated at the time by multiplying the number of rooms (bedrooms and living rooms) by 2, giving the adult capacity. The term “adult” was not fixed at the time so I have taken the liberty of basing the term “adult” as any child 8 and above, and therefore taking significant space in a bed.

The trend clearly shows that the Jewish-owned buildings were very predominantly occupied by Jewish people. The surprise is with the non-Jewish owned Strafford and Lolesworth Buildings. Lolesworth has a mix of Jews to gentiles as would be expected, but Strafford is tenanted mainly by Jewish people. The reason lies in what is on the ground floor of the building – shops. The Jewish people occupied all the shops and “lived upstairs”. Note that the 4% Industrial Dwellings Company employed ex-military NCOs as building managers. Rothschilds and Nathaniel were managed by ex-Marine NCOs who were definitely not Jewish. All the buildings, apart from Strafford House, are officially overcrowded and this would have come to the attention of the Borough of Stepney, the LCC and the press.

The racial tension created by the Jewish immigration and blatant overcrowding is best illustrated by press articles and LCC investigations into the tenants of its Boundary Street Estate in Bethnal Green, just a little way to the north of Flower & Dean Street. For more details, go to the paper on that estate elsewhere on this website: <LCC’s Boundary Street Estate>.

This part of London continues to be a centre for immigrants. There is still a strong Jewish presence in the area but subsequent influxes have includes Bengali’s and Somalis. Brick Lane is a very multi-cultural street, and is none the worse for it.

Robin Hood Gardens – still failing to meet the needs of the honest workers?
In the fast eastern edge of London’s East End is Poplar. This area has always been associated with docks and ship building and has been home to many low-paid workers for the last 2 centuries. One small area near the docks known as Wells Street, but now known as Robin Hood Gardens, has always had a reputation for slum housing. The area is now adjacent to the northern portal of the Blackwall Tunnel and also has busy roads on two other sides. The feeling of being isolated is very strong to any visitors today.

The reputation of the area in Victorian times can be seen from this report in the 1880s:
“……. Generally the houses were very old and dilapidated, without back yards, and no back ventilation. The ground floor of many of the houses was sunken below the level of the pavement, and the rooms were exceedingly small. No water was laid on to the existing closets, which were inadequate in number and situate at some distance from the houses to which they belonged. …..” An estimated 1,029 persons were displaced and new dwellings were required to house a minimum of 1,030 people. The freeholder of the land was Sir Edward Colebrooke whose manor was at Ottershaw in Surrey. The clearance of the slums was carried out by the Metropolitan Board of Works in 1884 under the “Wells Street Scheme” and cost London rate-payers £59,119. The site was sold to James Hartnoll for just £5000, but had to be used for the construction of new working-class housing..

James Hartnoll built Grosvenor Buildings in 1886. He was an experienced semi-philanthropic builder of working class blocks in London, but this building was his only unsuccessful one. It consisted of 542 dwellings and a total of 1102 rooms (= theoretical maximum of 2204 persons). 160 at 1-roomed 204 at 2-roomed 172 at 3-roomed and 4 at 4-roomed. Tenements were hard to let initially despite the area being very crowded. In 1911 it was occupied by approximately 1400 adults and 400 children under 8. It had a reputation for being overcrowded, but census returns show it to be no worse than others in London. It seems to have never been managed well as there were rent strikes in 1915, 1939 and early 1960s. In 1911 the building was managed by just one live-in 28 year old clerk to handle 542 families. This clerk/manager had no military background (as was typical in similar buildings). The majority of tenants were of the labouring classes, working in the docks, on ships and in local industry. That, allied to many single-roomed tenements, gave a poor mix that the young clerk was probably unable to handle. The building was purchased by the Greater London Council (LCC’s successor) in 1965 and, despite being structurally sound, demolished and replaced by Robin Hood Gardens. The map below shows the area in 1892 and the picture shows that some of the blocks of Grosvenor Buildings were 6 storeys.

Grosvenor House was replaced by Robin Hood Gardens (1967 – 2017?) and designed by Peter and Alison Smithson as a “city in the sky”. It is one of the more famous London buildings from the Brutalist Movement and was designed 5 years after the similar Park Hill in Sheffield, but without learning from the mistakes, and even adding more. The design also ignored the successful “scissor section” layout advocated and successfully applied at the time to blocks of flats by LCC architect David Gregory Jones. The two blocks consisted of 214 dwellings with all but the ground floor being maisonettes on 2 floors with the rooms split inconveniently between them. The site was surrounded on three sides by busy roads. The walkways only went to the stairs and lifts at each end, not to other levels or the ground, and were too narrow to be “streets” and also too open to the elements. Balconies overlooking the inner grassed space were too narrow to sit on and acted as emergency walk-through fire escapes, so needed to be kept clear. Concrete construction made maintenance and modifications difficult. The slab-sided blocks made the green space in the middle a tranquil place but it was deliberately landscaped (using spoil from the foundations) to prevent it being used as a play park.

The building was never liked by the tenants and this is illustrated by the lifts being vandalised a mere year after the building was opened. Some architects (who have never lived there) wanted the building to be listed by English Heritage, but common sense prevailed and it is due for demolition and replacement by a larger private-social housing development for the wider area of Poplar. Will the residents of Poplar finally get the social housing they want?


Greater London

Meie toimetajad vaatavad teie esitatud teabe üle ja otsustavad, kas artiklit muuta.

Greater London, metropolitan county of southeastern England that is also generally known as London. A brief treatment of the administrative entity follows. An in-depth discussion of the physical setting, history, character, and inhabitants of the city is in the article London. Descriptions of London from early editions of Entsüklopeedia Britannica and from the Book of the Year writings contemporaneous with World War II can be found in BTW: London Classics.

The present metropolitan county of Greater London constitutes nearly all of the historic county of Middlesex (which comprises the bulk of Greater London north of the River Thames), parts of the historic counties of Kent, Essex, and Hertfordshire, and a large part of the historic county of Surrey.

Until 1889 the only part of London that had an administrative existence apart from the historic counties was the historic City of London, which was confined to the area of the medieval city. During the period 1889–1965, the County of London, carved from parts of the historic counties of Middlesex, Surrey, and Kent, administered an area that comprised present-day Inner London plus the outer boroughs of Newham and Haringey. The 1889 boundaries had been adopted in response to the rapid development of suburban areas in the 19th century. By the mid-20th century, however, the suburban population of London had spread far beyond the boundaries of the County of London. In an attempt to address that shift, the present boroughs were established in 1965 by amalgamating several existing boroughs and districts, at the expense of the surrounding counties, to form the new metropolitan county of Greater London.

The present-day City of London covers an area of 1.1 square miles (2.9 square km) at the heart of Greater London and is a centre of world finance. Greater London forms the core of a larger metropolitan area (with a proportionately larger population) that extends as far as 45 miles (70 km) from the centre. Area 607 square miles (1,572 square km). Pop. (1991) 6,679,699 (2001) 7,172,091 (2011) 8,173,941.

An overview of selected statistics and cultural features of Greater London borough by borough is provided in the table.


The Metropolitan Board of Works & London County Council

The Victorians were visionary during this period. In response to the poor sanitary conditions, they designed and created a network of sewers to alleviate the foul conditions within the Capital. At times, raw sewage was even pumped straight into the River Thames. It got so bad that during the summer of 1858, a terrible smell of human waste literally hung over London. This phenomenon was named 'The Big Stink'.

As London grew and more people came to settle in the city, it became necessary for some sort of authority to take charge and oversee all the development of infrastructure that was needed to keep pace with the population's needs. At the time, the system of government was largely chaotic, with parishes and vestries mainly taking charge but they did not communicate with each other or co-operate much, so development was very disjointed.

In 1855 the Metropolitan Board of Works (MBW) was created, this was the first ever metropolitan government body for London. The MBW's first task was to oversee the construction of London's sewer system. It was the engineer Joseph Bazalgette's design that was put in place and it consisted of over 1,304 miles (2100 km) of pipes and tunnels which are still serviceable today.

The effect of the new sewer system was to reduce the incidence and spread of water-borne diseases such as cholera and the death rate in London was dramatically cut as a result of this innovative infrastructure. Bazalgette's design represents the largest civil engineering project of the 19th century.

Over the next few decades, the MBW became highly unpopular because it was run by unelected people whom the public perceived to be making unpopular decisions. As a result, the MBW was dissolved in 1888 and a new, elected body was created. This new type of government for London was called the London County Council (LCC) and it was the first time that London had an organisation that represented the entire metropolitan area. Right at the end of the 19th century, the first designated London boroughs were established, heralding a new era in local government for the city.

© 2021 CSE. Kõik õigused kaitstud. London Online is a city guide for London and in UK. The content of the London Online website is provided in good faith but we cannot be held responsible for inaccuracies, omissions or visitors' comments.


20th century London

The terrific population growth of the late Victorian period continued into the 20th century. In 1904 the first motor bus service in London began, followed by the first underground electric train in 1906, but perhaps more notable was the spate of new luxury hotels, department stores, and theatres which sprang up in the Edwardian years, particularly in the West End. The Ritz opened in 1906, Harrod's new Knightsbridge store in 1905, and Selfridges in 1907.

New entertainment venues sprouted like mushrooms with the London Palladium the largest of some 60 major halls for music-hall and variety shows.

Several major building projects marked Edward VII's reign. The long, broad sweep of the Mall was designed by Aston Webb. Webb was also responsible for Admiralty Arch, the Queen Victoria memorial, and the east front of Buckingham Palace.

Although the hardship of London during the Second World War is well known, it is easy to forget that WWI brought hardship as well to the city. In the autumn of 1915 the first Zeppelin bombs fell in London near the Guildhall, killing 39 people. In all, 650 fatalities resulted from bombings during the "War to End All Wars".

Population surged after the war, to about 7.5 million in 1921. The London County Council began building new housing estates, which pushed further and further out into the countryside. Unemployment was high, and labour unrest erupted in the 1926 General Strike. So many workers joined the strike that the army was called in to keep the Underground and buses running, and to maintain order.

In the 1930s large numbers of Jews emigrated to London, fleeing persecution in Europe, and most of them settled in the East End. The year 1938 saw movement out of the city the threat from Germany was great enough that large numbers of children were moved out of London to the surrounding countryside.

The outbreak of WWII precipitated the defining moment of the century for Londoners - the Blitz. During the dark days of 1940 over a third of the City was destroyed by German bombs, and the London Docks largely demolished.

Some 17 of Christopher Wren's London churches were badly damaged. The area worst hit was the City itself, but strangely, St. Paul's Cathedral suffered only minor damage.

Some 16 acres around the area that now houses the Barbican development and the Museum of London were totally flattened, and numerous historic buildings were destroyed. The death toll was heavy 32,000 dead and over 50,000 badly injured.

In the post-war period heavy immigration from countries of the old British Empire changed the character of the city. Notting Hill acquired a large Caribbean population, Honk Kong immigrants settled in Soho, Sikhs in Southall, and Cypriots in Finsbury.

The Festival of Britain took place in 1951 on the centenary of the Great Exhibition of 1851. Whereas that first exhibition had left the legacy of the extraordinary Crystal Palace, the Festival left behind it the universally reviled concrete mass of the South Bank Arts complex.

Heathrow airport opened to commercial flights in 1946, and the first double-decker red buses (dubbed the Routemaster) appeared on London roads in 1956.

The London Docks declined after the war, and the formerly bustling area around the Isle of Dogs fell into disuse until rescued by modern development in the last decade.

Between 1972-82 the Thames Barrier was built to control flooding along the river. This amazing engineering feat consists of 10 moveable underwater gates supported by 7 shining steel half-domes strung across the river.

The last great building project of the century was the controversial Millennium Dome, an exhibition centre beside the Thames in North Greenwich. The Dome, which opened on January 1, 2000, is a massive complex, built at a cost of over 750 million GBP. It houses, among other things, sponsored exhibits on the human experience of life, including Faith, Science, and biology.

What to See:
Harrod's
London Transport Museum
London Museum
Notting Hill Festival
South Banks Arts Centre
Dockland
Thames Barrier
Millennium Dome

London History
Roman | Anglo-Saxon | Medieval | Tudor | Stuart | Georgian | Victorian London | 20th century London

English History
Also see "English History" and our award-winning "English Culture" section.


London County Council - History

Parts of these maps are used for non-commercial purposes in the website by permission of the London Metropolitan Archives. The LMA are also happy to allow schools to make further copies of the maps, again providing that they are for educational purposes only. Commercial reproduction is prohibited without prior permission from London Metropolitan Archives.

These invaluable maps were made by the London County Council immediately after the Second World War. It became the basis for the Abercrombie Plan for the Rebuilding of London.

Coloured areas show the widespread bomb damage while the different colours indicate its severity. Some houses were repaired others patched up temporarily. Even those houses not bombed, deteriorated because there could be little maintenance during the war and were in need of care an attention.


This map and other smaller sections reproduced elsewhere,
are taken with permission, from

The London County Council Bomb Damage Maps 1939-1945.

Copies of any particular area can be obtained, for private or school use,
from London Metropolitan Archives who own the copyright.

Comparing these coloured Bombing Maps
with my original back and white photo-copies.

Over forty years ago I found these maps in the lower basement at County Hall, where the sharks now swim. The Architects Department kindly made me black and white photocopies and I used them in several books. Architects, alerted by my bomb maps, have used them to explain why houses built on forgotten bomb sites, have begun to subside, so the photocopies have been of practical use. In one case an architect, who contacted me, called in to explain a subsiding house, was fifteen feet down and still bringing up complete window frames. Clearly the site had become a huge bomb crater which had been used as a rubble tip, levelled and forgotten.

However, I now realise that my maps can tell a false story. The originals are coloured and unfortunately the old photocopiers did not copy the reds. They showed red as white. Therefore areas which were-

  • Dark Red Seriously damaged doubtful if repairable
  • Light Red Seriously damaged, but repairable at cost,

came out on the photocopies as valge. The centres of damage are marked on the maps in Black, Purple and Dark Red, with rings of lighter colours around them. Areas which I have been ignoring for years because they were white, had been, in fact, very badly damaged. Often the coloured maps give a completely different account of any particular bombing incident from my old black and white copies.

The new book called The London County Council Bomb Damage Maps, 1939-1945, ISBN 0 902087 51 7, pub. 2005, is a splendid production and will be consulted as long as London lives. The area on the map around any particular school is only a few centimetres square, but explains the old and new houses on the school doorstep as no other map or writing can do. Walking along the road becomes a never-ending detective story.

Example: The Bombing of Albion Road

The whole area was very heavily bombed from September 1940. Incendiary bombs and high explosives early on, and a land mine fell on Albion Road at the junction with Hawkesley Road. Later, between 23 rd June 1944 and 10 the January 1945, there were no fewer than ten flying bombs and three V2s in the Finsbury Park to Albion Road area alone. Three local flying bombs fell on Defoe Road, Londesborough Road and the triangle by the shopping parade in Albion Road. The damage from these and other smaller events spread blast damage to other houses nearby, so that few houses escaped some effect of the bombs. Many houses were patched up and later repaired properly, but the major incidents led to the building of completely new blocks and even new estates. This bombing map is a key to the reason for many later developments.

The Flying Bomb on Albion Road Triangle


Flying Bomb Damage
at Albion Rd Triangle


Vaata videot: Kertész kertje londoni kerttervező városi kertje S50 E28 részlet (Juuni 2022).


Kommentaarid:

  1. Corby

    You are distanced from the conversation

  2. Johanan

    Thank you so much for your help in this matter, now I will not make such a mistake.

  3. Dourn

    See on üsna väärtuslik teave



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